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2023 constituted a disconcerting picture of the state of human rights and reform in the country, marked simultaneously by positive strides and limited progress in key areas, as well as persistent violations of rights of vulnerable groups. Laws that violate the right to fair trial continue to be applied. SUARAM documented 3220 cases of arrests, detention and charges related to human trafficking under the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 (SOSMA). For the first time since its inception, SOSMA was used to arrest and detain drug syndicate members, which is concerning when existing laws such as the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952 are adequate. The protracted wait of at least two years by detainees in prison for trial persists, though this is cut short by a year for 23 detainees in the Geng 08 GST case. 1012 arrests were made under the Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act 1985 (DD(SPM)A) in 2023. Despite longstanding calls for amendments and repeal to SOSMA, progress on that front remains slow. Though the government is receptive to amending SOSMA, no explicit timeline is yet given. Tarrying further only results in continued violation of the fundamental right to fair trial, and most importantly, the fulfilment of social and economic rights of families of detainees. Whilst death in custody cases in 2023 may have reduced by 48% compared to the previous year, the issue of lacking data transparency persists. Access to justice for families of the deceased is also challenging and protracted. SUARAM noted six past DIC cases of which final court proceedings took place in 2023, with families pursuing justice for as long as 10 years. There is no commitment by the current administration to improve the Independent Police Conduct Commission Act 2022 (IPCC) - one of the pledges by the Pakatan Harapan coalition in its election manifesto in 2022. Significant regression was seen in freedom of expression. Key laws such as the Sedition Act 1948 and Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 continue to be enforced. More explicit measures such as warnings by members in government and the setup of an investigation task force were implemented to exert more restrictive control over discourse related to race, religion and royalty. Five bans were enacted under the Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984, comprising four books and the Swatch Pride watch. Raids on two bookstores were conducted, confiscating 10 books that were not on the banned book list. Threats to student autonomy in universities and artistic freedom remain palpable. Restrictions to exercise freedom of peaceful assembly persisted. Investigations against organisers and/or participants after, and in some cases, before public assemblies, persist. SUARAM documented the number of individuals investigated to be at least 91 this year. Tactics seen in previous years such as police barricade, arrest and detention of individuals and pre-rally warnings are still used in public assemblies organised by the political opposition or held in significant public spaces such as Parliament. SUARAM documents a case of state intimidation and reprisal, in which an activist was charged in court despite being the victim of use of force by an enforcement official during the protest. Amendments to the National Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM) Act were passed in 2023, marking a significant step forward in strengthening the NHRI. This is especially needed when the institution’s credibility was undermined by the former Chairperson’s allegations of racial discrimination in staff appointment and subsequent defamation suit filed against a whistleblower for lodging an internal complaint on the matter. One of the biggest milestones Malaysia achieved in 2023 is the passing of the Abolition of Mandatory Death Penalty Bill 2023 (DR7) and the Revision of Sentence of Death and Imprisonment for Natural Life (Temporary Jurisdiction of the Federal Court) Bill 2023. With the resentencing of death row inmates in progress, gaps such as inadequate time to gather relevant mitigation evidence and insufficient consideration given to mitigating circumstances such as the inmate’s mental health condition need to be swiftly addressed. On institutional reforms, there were commendable actions, namely the passing of the Public Finance and Fiscal Responsibility Act 2023, ongoing drafting of the Ombudsman Bill as well as empowerment of the Parliamentary Special Select Committees in function and resources. Nevertheless, other crucial reforms, such as separation of the offices of the Attorney-General and the Public Prosecutor, malapportionment, constituency development fund for the political opposition, political appointments in government-linked companies and the reinstatement of local government elections, remain pending. Discrimination and fear continued dominating the lives of vulnerable groups. The increased prevalence of investigations and raids on migrants overshadow positive preliminary efforts by the government to improve their welfare, such as the launch of forced labour guidelines. Realisation of the right to work for refugees and self-determination for the Orang Asli remain to be seen. Basic rights of LGBTIQ and gender-diverse people regressed in 2023, as evidenced by spikes in censorship of LGBTIQ expressions, introduction of anti-LGBT Syariah laws and expansion of conversion practices. Impingements of freedom of religion and belief of religious minorities persisted. Amendments to the Federal Constitution that will worsen statelessness were proposed. As the unity government trudges through its second year, it is crucial that it anchors all laws and policies to the Madani values that prioritise inclusivity, equal respect for all, and trust from transparency and accountability.

Tahun 2023 membentuk gambaran kurang menyenangkan bagi keadaan hak asasi manusia dan reformasi di negara ini, sekaligus menandakan kemajuan positif dan kemunduran dalam bidang-bidang utama, termasuklah pelanggaran hak secara berterusan terhadap kumpulan rentan. Undang-undang yang melanggar hak kepada perbicaraan yang adil terus digunakan. SUARAM mendokumenkan 3,220 kes penangkapan, penahanan dan pertuduhan berkaitan pemerdagangan manusia di bawah Akta Kesalahan Keselamatan (Langkah-Langkah Khas) 2012 (dikenali sebagai SOSMA). Buat pertama kali sejak penguatkuasaanya, SOSMA digunakan untuk menangkap dan menahan ahli sindiket dadah. Perkara ini merisaukan apabila undang-undang seperti Akta Dadah Berbahaya 1952 sememangnya tersedia. Inilah yang dihadapi 23 orang tahanan di dalam kes Geng 08 GST - penahanan berpanjangan sekurang-kurangnya dua tahun di penjara (dan kemudian dikurangkan kepada setahun). Tahun 2023 juga memperlihat 1,012 tangkapan telah dilakukan di bawah Akta Dadah Berbahaya (Langkah-langkah Pencegahan Khas) 1985 (DDA 85). Walaupun terdapat desakan yang berpanjangan untuk meminda SOSMA, namun tiada garis masa yang jelas diberikan. Penangguhan lebih lama akan menyebabkan pelanggaran hak asasi untuk perbicaraan yang adil. Tunjang kepada isu ini adalah penunaian hak sosial dan ekonomi keluarga tahanan. Walaupun kematian dalam kes tahanan (DIC) pada 2023 mungkin berkurangan sebanyak 48% berbanding tahun sebelumnya, isu kekurangan ketelusan data masih berterusan. Akses kepada keadilan untuk keluarga si mati juga amat mencabar dan kekal berlarutan. SUARAM mencatatkan enam kes DIC yang lama, di mana prosiding mahkamah terakhir telah berlangsung pada tahun lalu. Keluarga-keluarga yang menuntut keadilan ini telah berjuang selama 10 tahun. Namun, tiada komitmen dalam pentadbiran semasa untuk menambah baik Akta Suruhanjaya Bebas Tatakelakuan Polis 2022 (IPCC) - salah satu ikrar oleh gabungan Pakatan Harapan dalam manifesto pilihan raya pada 2022. Pemerosotan paling ketara dapat dilihat dalam kebebasan bersuara. Undang-undang utama seperti Akta Hasutan 1948 dan Seksyen 233 Akta Komunikasi dan Multimedia 1998 terus dikuatkuasakan. Langkah yang lebih eksplisit, misalnya amaran-amaran oleh ahli dalam kerajaan dan penubuhan pasukan siasatan khas diwujudkan bagi melaksanakan kawalan lebih ketat ke atas wacana berkaitan kaum, agama dan Raja-raja Melayu. Lima larangan telah digubal di bawah Akta Mesin Cetak dan Penerbitan 1984 - antaranya empat buku dan satu jam tangan jenama Swatch Pride. Serbuan ke atas dua kedai buku telah dijalankan dimana 10 buah buku yang tiada dalam senarai buku terlarang turut dirampas. Ancaman terhadap autonomi pelajar di universiti dan kebebasan artistik kekal ketara dikekang. Sekatan untuk kebebasan berhimpun secara aman masih berterusan. Siasatan terhadap penganjur dan/atau peserta selepas perhimpunan malah dalam sesetengah kes, sebelum perhimpunan berlangsung, turut berlanjutan. SUARAM mendokumenkan sebilangan individu yang disiasat sekurang-kurangnya 91 orang bagi tahun ini. Antara taktik yang dilihat kerap digunakan beberapa tahun kebelakangan ini adalah penghadang polis, penangkapan dan penahanan individu-individu. Ini termasuklah amaran yang dikeluarkan sebelum perhimpunan sama ada anjuran pembangkang politik atau himpunan di ruang awam yang penting seperti Parlimen. SUARAM turut mendokumenkan kes ugutan dan tindakan balas. Seorang aktivis didakwa di mahkamah walaupun menjadi mangsa penggunaan kekerasan oleh pegawai penguatkuasa semasa protes. Pindaan Akta Suruhanjaya Hak Asasi Manusia Malaysia (SUHAKAM) telah diluluskan pada tahun 2023 menandakan satu langkah penting ke hadapan dalam memperkukuhkan institusi berkenaan. Ia amat diperlukan apabila kredibiliti institusi tersebut terjejas berikutan dakwaan mantan Pengerusi SUHAKAM mengenai diskriminasi kaum dalam pelantikan kakitangan. Susulan peristiwa berkenaan, saman fitnah difailkan terhadap pemberi maklumat berkenaan kerana membuat aduan dalaman mengenai perihal itu. Salah satu pencapaian terbesar yang dicapai Malaysia pada tahun lalu adalah kelulusan RUU Pemansuhan Hukuman Mati Mandatori 2023 dan RUU Semakan Hukuman Mati dan Pemenjaraan Sepanjang Hayat (Bidang Kuasa Sementara Mahkamah Persekutuan) 2023. Kini, proses penghukuman semula banduan akhir sedang rancak dilakukan. Walau bagaimanapun, timbul jurang semasa rayuan mitigasi, antaranya ketidakcukupan masa dalam mengumpul bahan bukti yang relevan serta kurang pertimbangan diberikan kepada masalah kesihatan mental banduan yang perlu ditangani dengan segera. Mengenai reformasi institusi, terdapat beberapa tindakan yang boleh dipuji. Antaranya adalah kelulusan Akta Kewangan Awam dan Tanggungjawab Fiskal (FRA) 2023, penggubalan RUU Ombudsman yang masih berjalan serta pemberdayaan fungsi dan sumber bagi Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas Parlimen. Namun begitu, reformasi lain yang turut penting seperti pengasingan pejabat Peguam Negara dan Pendakwa Raya, salah pembahagian (malapportionment), dana pembangunan kawasan pilihan raya untuk pembangkang, lantikan politik dalam syarikat berkaitan kerajaan dan pengembalian semula pilihan raya kerajaan tempatan masih belum selesai. Diskriminasi dan ketakutan terus menguasai kehidupan kumpulan minoriti yang terpinggir. Peningkatan siasatan dan kekerapan serbuan ke atas migran mengaburi usaha awal yang positif oleh kerajaan untuk menambah baik kebajikan mereka iaitu pelancaran garis panduan buruh paksa. Kesedaran hak untuk bekerja bagi pelarian dan penentuan diri (self-determination) bagi Orang Asli masih belum dapat dilihat. Hak asasi golongan LGBTIQ dan orang pelbagai jantina semakin mundur pada tahun 2023. Buktinya dapat dilihat apabila ada peningkatan dalam penapisan ekspresi LGBTIQ, pengenalan undang-undang syariah anti-LGBT dan pengembangan amalan pemulihan (conversion therapy practices). Perlanggaran hak kepada kebebasan beragama dan kepercayaan bagi agama minoriti berterusan berlaku. Pindaan kepada Perlembagaan Persekutuan yang dicadangkan juga akan memburukkan lagi masalah tanpa kewarganegaraan. Ketika kerajaan perpaduan bergerak memasuki tahun kedua, adalah penting untuk menambat semua undang-undang dan dasar kepada nilai-nilai Madani yang mengutamakan keterangkuman, penghormatan yang sama untuk semua dan kepercayaan daripada ketelusan dan akauntabiliti.

[KENYATAAN MEDIA KLUSTER AKAUNTABILITI POLIS] Pertubuhan masyarakat sivil (Civil society organization – CSO) daripada Kluster Akauntabiliti Polis yang tertulis di bawah mengecam sekeras-kerasnya langkah Kerajaan Madani yang membentang dan meluluskan Rang Undang-undang Polis (Pindaan) 2024 dengan tergesa-gesa tanpa sebarang sesi libat urus bersama pemegang taruh. Kami berasa kecewa kerana modus operandi kerajaan meluluskan RUU ini serupa dengan kerajaan pemerintahan terdahulu. Amalan buruk ini bukan sahaja tidak demokratik, malah membelakangi prinsip reformasi dan ketelusan yang sering ditekankan oleh Kerajaan Madani. Malah, tindakan ini tidak konsisten dengan kenyataan YAB Perdana Menteri Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim, selepas perjumpaan bersama pemimpin Bersih pada 28 Februari 2024. Perdana Menteri pernah menyatakan kepentingan dialog dan ruang bertukar pandangan serta pendekatan yang lebih inklusif dalam mendengar pandangan masyarakat sivil. Usaha sebegini mampu meningkatkan sinergi masyarakat sivil dengan kerajaan dalam proses demokrasi negara. Setiap RUU patut digubal dan dibahaskan dengan penglibatan setiap lapisan masyarakat secara komprehensif, terutamanya apabila isi kandungan RUU tersebut melibatkan isu kepentingan awam. Oleh sebab Polis Diraja Malaysia (PDRM) adalah badan penguatkuasa terbesar di Malaysia, serta apabila diambil kira kes-kes penyalahgunaan kuasa melibatkan pihak polis yang sering dilaporkan, amat penting bagi pandangan awam diambil kira dalam proses pindaan Akta Polis 1967. Namun, sampai hari ini, pertubuhan-pertubuhan masyarakat sivil, mahupun Suruhanjaya Hak Asasi Manusia Malaysia (SUHAKAM) serta Majlis Peguam Malaysia masih tidak menerima sebarang maklumat asas mengenai RUU ini. Persoalan-persoalan mengenai kedaulatan undang-undang (rule of law), ketelusan, hukuman yang tidak seimbang dengan kesalahan, penyalahgunaan kuasa polis atau rasuah turut tertimbul dalam pindaan kali ini. Kami dengan segera menuntut perundingan dan penjelasan terutamannya mengenai perkara-perkara berikut: 1. Pindaan seksyen 21 berkenaan tugas di jalan awam Akta Polis 1967 Pindaan seksyen 21 Akta Polis 1967 telah menaikkan denda maksimum daripada RM 200 kepada RM 10,000 dan tempoh pemenjaraan daripada tiga bulan kepada dua tahun bagi kesalahan di bawah peruntukan itu yang berkaitan dengan mana-mana orang yang menghalang, membangkang atau ingkar menurut apa-apa arahan yang munasabah yang diberi oleh mana-mana pegawai polis. Persoalannya, bagaimanakah seorang pegawai polis menentukan sama ada suatu arahan adalah munasabah atau tidak? Memandangkan mekanisme penyeliaan pengawasan polis sedia ada adalah kurang efektif, adakah pindaan ini membuka ruang kepada penyalahgunaan kuasa dan rasuah? Kami khuatir “Little Napoleon” sebaliknya yang akan bermaharajalela selepas ini. Selain itu, adakah peruntukan ini menjadi ‘perundangan berlebihan’ (legal redundancy) kepada seksyen 186 Kanun Keseksaan (menghalang penjawat awam pada menjalankan kerja-kerja jawatannya)? 2. Pertindihan dengan Akta Perhimpunan Aman 2012 Kerajaan juga perlu memberi penjelasan sama ada perhimpunan aman atau demonstrasi di bawah Akta Perhimpunan Aman 2012 tertakluk kepada seksyen 21 dan seksyen 26 (tidak mematuhi isyarat pegawai polis sewaktu sekatan jalan raya) Akta Polis 1967. Jikalau tidak, maka kerajaan harus memperhalusi definisi dan penggunaan peruntukan-peruntukan undang tersebut. 3. Pindaan berkaitan bidang kuasa Yang di-Pertuan Agong Rakyat juga memerlukan penjelasan lebih mendalam mengenai rasional pelantikan Yang di-Pertuan Agong selaku Pesuruhjaya Yang di-Pertuan Kehormat PDRM. Apakah penambahan kewajipan, fungsi, peranan, tugas dan bidang kuasa Yang di-Pertuan Agong susulan pelantikan baginda sebagai Pesuruhjaya Yang Dipertua Kehormat PDRM? Bagaimanakah kerajaan memastikan pelantikan ini selaras dan tidak bercanggah dengan prinsip Raja Berperlembagaan yang merupakan batu asas utama kepada demokrasi negara kita? Memandangkan kekurangan ketelusan dan perundingan, kami menyeru para Ahli Dewan Negara agar menangguh RUU Polis (Pindaan) 2024 sementara menunggu kerajaan memberi penjelasan selanjutnya. Manakala, kerajaan pula harus mengambil kesempatan untuk bertemu dengan pihak-pihak berkepentingan dan menerima cadangan penambahbaikan RUU. Kami juga menekankan bahawa pihak Kerajaan terutamanya Kementerian Dalam Negeri wajib mengambil pendekatan berasaskan hak asasi manusia (human rights based approach) ketika membuat dasar-dasar atau pindaan undang-undang yang berkaitan dengan rakyat jelata. Tidak kira Pindaan Perlembagaan berkaitan isu kewarganegaraan, pindaan Akta Hasutan atau RUU Polis (Pindaan) 2024 ini, menteri berkenaan harus mendengar dan menerima pandangan dan suara bantahan rakyat Malaysia. Beliau harus berhenti melaksanakan sesuatu mengikut kehendak hati dan kepentingan politik diri sendiri atau melawan kehendak dan kepentingan rakyat jelata. Disokong oleh: 1. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) 2. Liga Rakyat Demokratik (LRD) 3. Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ) 4. Justice for Sisters 5. Hayat 6. Amnesty International Malaysia 7. The Center to Combat Corruption and Cronyism (C4) 8. Citizens Against Enforced Disappearances (CAGED) 9. Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM) 10. Malaysian Action for Justice and Unity (MAJU) 11. All Women's Action Society (AWAM)

Though just for one hour, the arrest and detention of activist Harmit Singh outside the Embassy of the United States of America in Kuala Lumpur on 24 February was a dark one. This deprivation of liberty took place even before the protest began, signifying in plain sight criminalisation of the activist for participating in the Gegar Amerika rally. ‘Disobedience’ as alleged by the police for Harmit’s arrest is highly problematic, when the restriction issued by the police to not go past where the officers stood is neither necessary nor legitimate. There was no basis to presume that the rally would become violent, given full compliance by organisers with peaceful assembly procedures. A notice was submitted as per the Peaceful Assembly Act 2012 (PAA), and a facilitation meeting with the police took place before the rally, hence the police were already fully aware of the rally purpose, which was to submit a memorandum to the Embassy. It is also noteworthy that non-violence has been unwaveringly observed by multiple rallies held outside the Embassy gates since October 2023, with the six-day Demi Kepung Palestin in December last year the most recent one. In addition, there was no traffic obstruction or threat to safety of other civilians involved, with the small scale of the rally and assembly participants gathering along the same side of the road as the Embassy. Instead of arresting Harmit, the police should have facilitated the rally, allowing him to peacefully protest alongside other participants. This criminalisation tramples on laws that safeguard that right, namely Article 10(1)(b) of the Federal Constitution and the PAA. It also has a chilling effect on the exercise of right to freedom of expression overall, which can only deter constructive democratic participation including by Malaysians. Our civic space is still far from being a safe and enabling one for all to speak up on critical issues without fear and reprisals despite legal safeguards, and attitudes and/or actions by law enforcement remained a longstanding barrier hindering substantial progress on that front. This is a stark reality that is also highlighted by member states last month when Malaysia’s human rights performance was reviewed in the Universal Periodic Review process. It is high time that the government acknowledges and addresses this issue. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) calls for a thorough review of police procedures regarding public assembly facilitation. Prohibition of tactics of intimidation should be prioritised, and grounds in which restrictions can be applied based on principles of necessity, proportionality and legitimacy specified. Full sensitisation of police officers via training of their role is crucial in ensuring that policing of public assemblies is done in a human rights-compliant manner.

Translation in Malay is provided at the end of the statement. On the morning of 8 February 2024, UNHCR-registered Bangladeshi refugee MA Quayum was granted a temporary pass pending court procedures, leading to his release from immigration detention. Quayum was detained by the police for six days from 12 to 17 January 2024, and subsequently by the Immigration Department from 18 January 2024 till his temporary release. This action commendably demonstrates the Home Ministry’s efforts to recognise Quayum’s status as a UNHCR-registered refugee, and at a broader level, adherence to the commitment made to comply with the Kuala Lumpur High Court’s order of stay of Quayum’s deportation. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) also deeply appreciates the tireless efforts undertaken by Quayum’s lawyers to ensure his safety within Malaysia, without which today’s highly encouraging outcome would not have been possible. SUARAM is hopeful that the Government will continue to uphold its commitment to respect the rule of law and protect the integrity of our judicial system, by actively refraining from harassment, intimidation and any arbitrary arrests or detention of Quayum. In particular, we hope the Government will continue to respect and operationalise the principle of non-refoulement as we have seen recently, and not deport him back to his home country where his life will be in grave danger. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- SUARAM: QUAYUM BEBAS DARIPADA TAHANAN IMIGRESEN MEMBUKTIKAN USAHA POSITIF KERAJAAN MENGIKTIRAF STATUS UNHCR Pada pagi 8 Februari 2024, pelarian berdaftar UNCHR dari Bangladesh bernama MA Quayum telah diberikan pas sementara, memandangkan prosedur di mahkamah bagi kesnya masih berjalan. Kini, beliau telah dibebaskan daripada tahanan imigresen. Quayum telah ditahan oleh pihak polis selama enam hari dari 12 hingga 17 Januari 2024 dan seterusnya oleh pihak Jabatan Imigresen dari 18 Januari hinggalah tempoh beliau dibebaskan hari ini. Tindakan membanggakan ini membuktikan usaha Kementerian Dalam Negeri mengiktiraf status Quayum sebagai pelarian berdaftar di bawah UNHCR dan berpegang teguh kepada komitmen untuk mematuhi perintah Mahkamah Tinggi Kuala Lumpur bagi penangguhan pengusiran beliau. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) juga amat menghargai usaha gigih peguam Quayum bagi memastikan keselamatannya di Malaysia. Tanpa beliau, usaha yang sangat memberangsangkan hari ini tidak mungkin akan tercapai. SUARAM berharap kerajaan akan terus mengekalkan komitmennya untuk menghormati kedaulatan undang-undang dan melindungi integriti sistem kehakiman negara ini, dengan secara aktif menahan diri daripada gangguan, ugutan dan sebarang penangkapan atau penahanan sewenang-wenangnya terhadap Quayum. Kami berharap Kerajaan akan terusmenghormati dan melaksanakan prinsip tiada penghantaran pulang paksa (non-refoulement) seperti yang dilihat baru-baru ini dan tidak menghantar Quayum pulang ke negara asalnya dimana nyawa beliau berada dalam ancaman.

Translation in Malay is provided at the end of the statement. Ten police officers, two police trucks and a number of police motorcycles stationed outside Bersih’s office for a mere press conference calling for faithful implementation of the long-promised reform agenda. This is not upholding public order – on the contrary, it is sheer, condemnable intimidation. Does this mean that netizens criticising the Pardons Board decision will follow suit, by having their posts deleted, social media accounts monitored or even worse, investigated under Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998? Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) questions whether the Home Minister or the Prime Minister himself is aware of the police’s act of monitoring the press conference, which adds another layer of concern to the situation. Bersih, and also very recently Tony Pua, were clearly targeted by the government for exercising their legitimate right to freedom of expression. These actions demonstrate the state’s incapability of accepting constructive criticism, dissent or even discontent. They can also perpetuate censorship, which regresses current painstaking efforts by various stakeholders in fostering accountability for violations, including those of human rights. Equally importantly, through these tactics, the government has committed a triple betrayal: on top of failing to defend its fight against corruption and justice, it has also contravened its duty to uphold the basic human rights of all, especially those seeking public transparency and accountability. This derailment from the values and spirit of reformasi has gone far enough and should be immediately rectified. On this note, SUARAM unequivocally demands the government to fully protect the right to freedom of expression and actively refrain from intimidation, harassment and any form of reprisal against all persons who exercise this fundamental freedom. A group of police outside of Bersih's office. Credit: Bersih's Facebook -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- SUARAM: Mengapa Perlu Mengerahkan Pasukan Polis Semasa Sidang Media Bersih? Sepuluh anggota polis, dua trak dan sebilangan polis bermotosikal telah berada di luar pejabat Bersih hanya kerana sidang media yang dilakukan. Walhal sidang media tersebut hanya menggesa pelaksanaan agenda reformasi yang telah lama dijanjikan. Tindakan tersebut tidaklah menegakkan ketenteraman awam, sebaliknya ia adalah intimidasi semata-mata dan wajar dikecam. Perihal sebegini menimbulkan persoalan adakah apabila rakyat mempersoalkan keputusan Lembaga Pengampunan akan dikenakan tindakan saman, siaran mereka diturunkan, akaun media sosial dipantau atau lebih teruk – disiasat di bawah Seksyen 233 Akta Komunikasi dan Multimedia 1998? Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) mempersoalkan sama ada Menteri Dalam Negeri atau Perdana Menteri sendiri sedar tindakan polis memantau sidang media itu akan menambahkan lagi kebimbangan kepada keadaan tersebut. Baru-baru ini kita melihat Bersih dan juga Tony Pua jelas menjadi sasaran pihak kerajaan hanya kerana menggunakan hak mereka yang sah – iaitu kebebasan bersuara. Tindakan seperti ini memperlihatkan ketidakupayaan negara untuk menerima kritikan membina, perbezaan berpendapat atau rasa tidak berpuas hati. Pihak kerajaan berterusan melakukan penapisan dimana mengundurkan usaha gigih oleh pelbagai pihak berkepentingan dalam memupuk akauntabiliti bagi sebarang perlanggaran, termasuk hak asasi manusia. Perkara yang sama penting, melalui taktik sebegini, kerajaan telah melakukan penganiayaan sebanyak tiga kali: selain gagal mempertahankan perjuangannya menentang rasuah dan keadilan, ia juga telah melanggar kewajipannya untuk menegakkan hak asasi manusia buat semua, terutamanya mereka yang mencari ketelusan dan akauntabiliti awam. Kegelinciran nilai dan semangat reformasi ini sudah cukup jauh dan harus segera diperbetulkan. Sehubungan itu, SUARAM dengan tegas menuntut kerajaan untuk melindungi sepenuhnya hak kebebasan bersuara dan secara aktif menahan diri daripada ugutan, gangguan dan sebarang bentuk tindakan balas terhadap semua orang yang menggunakan kebebasan asasi ini. Reference / Rujukan: https://www.facebook.com/BERSIH2.0/posts/pfbid02mJUBBeDPSsnVjN9hX4eLCfSGKYAUhZ7wDZKU7QtAQsWmyNmNKrziJt48KKCw4xdZl Watch SUARAM's stand Najib's Pardon issues / Tonton pendirian SUARAM terhadap isu pengampunan Najib: https://www.instagram.com/p/C3CgDnqpKJY/

Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) refers to the deportation order issued by the Immigration Department on 24 January 2024 for UNHCR-registered Bangladeshi refugee, MA Quayum¹. Quayum’s lawyers were only informed of this development six days later. Whether Quayum is still within or has been deported from Malaysia is uncertain. We strongly condemn this deportation order, as this is in defiance of the Kuala Lumpur High Court’s court decision on 18 January to stay Quayum’s deportation until the conclusion of proceedings of Quayum’s habeas corpus application. Our demand from 18 January still stands: the Immigration Department must fully comply with this court order and immediately cease any subsequent plans to deport Quayum. In addition, we urge that the Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution swiftly intervenes and ensure that this deportation does not take place. This court order violation ironically belies the claims of provision of “humanitarian assistance” to refugees and asylum seekers propounded by the Malaysian delegation in the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) session last Friday, whilst reinforcing Malaysia’s notorious reputation in treatment of refugees and asylum seekers, which include arbitrary arrests, detention and deportation. It is also noteworthy that Malaysia’s longstanding lack of a national policy framework for protection of this marginalised group has come under the spotlight for the first time since the first UPR cycle, with corresponding or similar recommendations given by at least eight countries from Europe, South America, Western Africa and South Asia. Violation of the principle of non-refoulement contravenes the fundamental human rights principles of freedom, justice and security for all that the MADANI government has so fervently propounded to 131 countries at the international stage on 25 January 2024. As Malaysia seeks to cooperate with other countries, United Nations agencies and other key partners to “further improve efforts to aid refugees and asylum seekers”, it is imperative that the MADANI government also respects and protects the rights of refugees, including refraining from forcibly returning them to a country where they may face harm. ¹MA Quayum, a member of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), was apprehended in a joint operation conducted by the Malaysian police and the National Security Intelligence (NSI) of Bangladesh on 12 January at his residence in Ampang. He was first detained at the Ampang Jaya District Police Headquarters for six days, and subsequently transferred to the immigration depot in Semenyih. Quayum’s arrest and detention are unwarranted, as Quayum is a UNHCR-recognised refugee and has an active UNHCR card.

MEDIA RELEASE CIVICUS, the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA), and SUARAM call upon states to use the upcoming human rights review of Malaysia at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) to call out its ongoing failure to fully implement previous recommendations related to civic freedoms. On 25 January 2024, Malaysia’s human rights record is going to be reviewed at the 45th Working Group Session of Universal Periodic Review (UPR). In April 2023, our organisations submitted a stakeholder submission for the UPR, where we highlighted a range of issues related to fundamental freedoms and the protection of human rights defenders (HRDs). Out of the 11 civic space-related recommendations it received in 2018 during the previous cycle of the UPR, Malaysia has only partially implemented three recommendations. The country’s lack of action raises questions on how serious the government is about upholding its international human rights obligations. Since the last review, the government has continued to arrest and prosecute people for their online criticisms of the state, religion, and the monarchy. This is done primarily through Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act (CMA) 1998, the Sedition Act 1948, and other laws. Media outlets and journalists have faced harassment for reports which are deemed to be critical of the government. In fact, many of them have been called in for questioning by the police. Meanwhile, some foreign journalists have been deported. Whistleblowers have also been targeted. Likewise, the authorities have targeted writers and sought to ban books under the restrictive Printing Presses and Publications Act (PPPA) 1984. With impunity, non- state actors have questioned, threatened, and attacked artists. “The continued failure of the Anwar Ibrahim Government to repeal the Sedition Act 1948 and other restrictive laws makes a mockery of Malaysia’s membership at the UNHRC. The government should use the upcoming UN Human Rights Council review to make commitments to reviewing and repealing these laws in line with their international human rights obligations”, said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA. In the submission, we highlighted how the Peaceful Assembly Act (PAA) 2012 still falls short of international standards. There are onerous requirements in the law to provide detailed information about the protest and its organisers. The law still lacks an exception to the notice requirement for spontaneous assemblies. Furthermore, the law makes it a criminal offence for people under 21 years old to organise and participate in protests. In addition, it denies non-citizens the right to organise or participate in protests. In recent years–especially during the COVID-19 pandemic–protesters faced intimidation and harassment ahead of protests. Police blocked roads and arbitrarily arrested protesters. Following protests, police have also summoned organisers and participants for questioning. This is a form of harassment and intimidation. “It is extremely worrying that peaceful protesters continue to face restrictions in holding demonstrations. The police continue to harass peaceful protesters. The Peaceful Assembly Act must be reviewed as recommended by the UN Human Rights Council in 2018 in order to ensure that it is consistent with international law. The police must be instructed to respect and protect the people’s right to peaceful assembly,” said David Kode, Advocacy and Campaigns Lead at CIVICUS. Our organisations also raised concerns about the judicial harassment experienced by human rights defenders. They also face threats and harassment from non-state actors. HRDs are vilified for the important work they do. There has also been a failure to ensure accountability for the enforced disappearances allegedly carried out by state agents, namely the Special Branch or the police intelligence unit. The legal framework governing the operations of civil society organisations and political parties–the Societies Act 1966–remains unduly restrictive and heavily burdensome. In recent years, the Act has been used to delay or reject the formation of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and political parties, especially those expressing their opposition. “The government must take steps to establish a protection mechanism for human rights defenders. It should do more to promptly and impartially investigate all forms of harassment, threats, and attacks made against human rights defenders. It is also time to review the archaic Societies Act in order to fully guarantee the people’s right to freedom of association. Such laws should be used to empower people rather than to block the formation of NGOs and political parties,” said Sevan Doraisamy, Executive Director of SUARAM. We call on UN member states to echo the following recommendations to the government of Malaysia: Repeal the Sedition Act 1948 and Penal Code sections 298 and 298A. Drop all charges and quash convictions of individuals–who are merely peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression–prosecuted under these laws. Review the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 and the Printing Presses and Publications Act (PPPA) 1984 in order to ensure that the legislation is in line with international law and standards on freedom of expression. Amend the Peaceful Assembly Act 2012 to fully guarantee the people’s right to freedom of peaceful assembly as provided in international law and standards. Provide an exception to the notice requirement for spontaneous assemblies where it is not practicable to give advance notice. Repeal provisions that prevent children and non-citizens from participating in protests. Halt the systematic questioning and harassment of protesters following protests under the Peaceful Assembly Act 2012. Provide human rights defenders with a safe and secure environment, allowing them to carry out their invaluable work. Conduct impartial, thorough, and effective investigations into all cases of harassment, intimidation, threats, and enforced disappearances endured by HRDs. Bring the perpetrators of such offences to justice. Ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Take active steps to ensure that all domestic legislation is consistent with the treaty. Its provisions must be implemented in both policy and practice. Civic space in Malaysia is rated as "Obstructed" by the CIVICUS Monitor

Translation in Malay is provided at the end of the statement. CSO: Empower IPCC To Remedy the Public Trust Deficit in PDRM We, the undersigned, are deeply concerned by the escalating trend of police misconduct cases in recent months. These cases include a police officer having allegedly extorted and raped an Uzbek teenager in a patrol car, a police officer slapping a civilian, and a senior police officer being implicated in a hit-and-run accident that led to the death of a high school student, the arrest of a police inspector on alleged abduction of a Bangladeshi man, among others. As the largest enforcement agency in the country, the Royal Malaysian Police (PDRM) is tasked with the mandate of protecting the public. In these instances of misconduct, however, the officers have become perpetrators that pose a threat to public safety. These incidents cannot and should not be viewed as isolated crimes committed by individual actors; rather, they encapsulate a broader phenomenon within the police force perpetuated by a culture of impunity and a deficiency in implementing robust preventive measures. Moreover, this prevailing trend underscores the inadequacies inherent in the existing police oversight mechanism. We are of the opinion that the Unity Government has missed the golden opportunity to strengthen the Independent Police Conduct Commission (IPCC), which was crucial in addressing this systemic issue. Overdue since August 2023, the announcement of the appointment of five IPCC members was made by Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution about two weeks ago. This development took place after the announcement by the Enforcement Agency Integrity Commission that it would cease accepting complaints concerning PDRM personnel starting July 2023. Notably, the IPCC appointments were made without engaging with non-governmental stakeholders, particularly civil society organisations (CSOs). Upon scrutiny of the Independent Police Conduct Commission Act and the jurisdiction of the Commission, it becomes evident that the Unity Government has failed to improve the said legislation in line with input from CSOs. It is noteworthy that content in the current Act diverges from the Pakatan Harapan coalition’s stance, which rejected the IPCC Bill in 2022. The scope of IPCC is a far cry from that in the Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission (IPCMC) proposed by the Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI) in 2005. The IPCC is clearly less effective as an oversight mechanism than the already inadequate EAIC. We are concerned that Inherent structural deficiencies within the IPCC will render the oversight mechanism to be a ‘toothless tiger’, irrespective of the competence and experience of the Commission’s members. The IPCC is unable to conduct searches and seizures and make unannounced visits to police lockups. Devoid of the authority to take direct disciplinary action against offending police officers, the Commission’s jurisdiction is limited to providing recommendations to the Police Force Commission for subsequent action. Given these limitations, we harbour reservations about the IPCC’s efficacy in addressing misconduct, as its jurisdiction for investigation and enforcement of penalties is significantly restricted. Nevertheless, our commitment to work with the government to improve the Commission remains unwavering. We propose arranging a meeting between CSOs and members of IPCC at the earliest to explore avenues in ensuring effective functioning of the Commission. Concurrently, we also call on the government to implement an open and transparent selection process for the remaining two Commission member vacancies, whilst ensuring that the composition of IPCC reflects current societal diversity. It is also imperative that a periodic review of the Commission’s performance and effectiveness once every two years, with review findings presented in Parliament. Legal amendments and policy improvements must be pursued as soon as possible, in order to ensure that IPCMC’s essence, best practices and international standards are upheld. An independent and effective police oversight entity is crucial for not just the public but also the police force. The role of IPCC assumes heightened significance in light of the decline in PDRM’s reputation and subsequent widening of trust deficit by the public towards the police. We urge that transparent and impartial investigations be conducted on instances of police misconduct, so that PDRM’s integrity will be upheld and safeguarded. We also seek to work together for the public and the police force’s benefit - to help build a police force that is accountable, and trusted and respected by the public. Endorsed by: 1. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) 2. Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ) 3. All Women's Action Society (AWAM) 4. Justice for Sisters 5. Gabungan Pilihan Raya Bersih dan Adil (BERSIH) 6. Undi18 7. North South Initiative 8. Liga Rakyat Demokratik 9. University of Malaya Association for New Youth (UMANY) 10. EMPOWER 11. Sisters in Islam 12. Tenaganita 13. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia (SABM) 14. Aliran 15. Movement for Change, Sarawak (MoCS) 16. Persatuan Pemangkin Daya Masyarakat (ROSE) 17. Pusat KOMAS 18. KLSCAH Youth 19. Malaysian Action for Justice and Unity (MAJU) 20. Pergerakan Tenaga Akademik Malaysia (GERAK) 21. Teoh Beng Hock Association for Democratic Advancement 22. Gabungan Marhaen 23. Persatuan Amal Progresif Selangor 24. Persatuan Komuniti Prihatin Selangor dan KL 25. Center to Combat Corruption and Cronyism (C4 Center) 26. JERIT – Jaringan Rakyat Tertindas 27. Gerak Malaysia 28. Borneo Komrad 29. Mamas Bersih 30. Serikat Malaysia 31. Sabah AIDS Support Services Association (KASIH) 32. ⁠Advocates for Non-discrimination and Access to Knowledge (ANAK) 33. Lawyer Kamek 34. Penan Empowerment Networking Association (PENA) 35. Independent Coalition Of Natives (ICON) 36. KLSCAH Civil Rights Committee (KLSCAH CRC) 37. Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM) 38. Jentayu 39. Persatuan Wanita Maju Selangor & KL 40. Agora Society 41. ICON LEGEND, Sarawak 42. Parti Sosialis Malaysia - PSM 43. Rahman Student League 44. Rahman Solidarity League 45. Persatuan Bertutur Bahasa Mandarin Malaysia Negeri Johor 46. Student Progressive Front UUM 北大前进阵线 47. Suara Siswa UUM 北大学声阵线 48. Gerakan Mahasiswa Maju UPM 49. Persatuan Bahasa Tionghua USM 理大华文学会 50. Suara Siswa UM 51. Sarawak Dayak Iban Association (SADIA) 52. Sarawak AIDS Concern Society (SACS) 53. Persatuan Aktivis Sahabat Alam (KUASA) 54. Global Bersih 55. Center for Orang Asli Concerns (COAC) 56. Amnesty International Malaysia 57. Transparency International Malaysia -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- KENYATAAN BERSAMA MASYARAKAT SIVIL MENGENAI KES SALAH LAKU POLIS DAN PEMBENTUKAN IPCC CSO: PERKASAKAN IPCC UNTUK PULIHKAN KRISIS KEPERCAYAAN PDRM Pertubuhan masyarakat sivil (Civil society organisation - CSO) yang tertulis di bawah mengambil serius terhadap trend kes salah laku polis yang kian meningkat baru-baru ini. Ini termasuk kes anggota polis yang didakwa memeras ugut dan rogol remaja Uzbekistan dalam kereta peronda polis, anggota polis menampar orang awam, pegawai kanan polis terbabit kes langgar sehingga menyebabkan kematian seorang pelajar, inspektor polis ditahan disyaki terlibat melarikan seorang warga Bangladesh, dan lain-lain lagi. Polis Diraja Malaysia (PDRM) sebagai agensi penguatkuasaan terbesar di Malaysia sepatutnya menjadi pelindung kepada masyarakat, sebaliknya dalam kes-kes sebegini, pegawai-pegawainya malah menjadi si pelaku yang mengancam keselamatan awam. Kes-kes ini tidak boleh dilihat sebagai jenayah individu tetapi suatu fenomena yang didorong budaya bebas daripada hukuman dalam pasukan polis serta kekurangan langkah-langkah pencegahan yang efektif. Trend ini juga menunjukkan mekanisme pengawasan polis sedia ada yang kurang berkesan. Kami berpendapat bahawa Kerajaan Perpaduan telah terlepas peluang keemasan untuk memulihkan fenomena ini dengan memperkasakan institusi Suruhanjaya Bebas Tatakelakuan Polis (IPCC). Setelah tertangguh sejak Ogos 2023, lebih kurang dua minggu yang lalu Menteri Dalam Negeri Saifuddin Nasution telah mengumumkan pelantikan lima orang ahli IPCC. Ini berlaku selepas Suruhanjaya Integriti Agensi Penguatkuasaan (EAIC) membuat pengumuman tidak lagi menerima aduan berhubung PDRM bermula Julai 2023. Pelantikan-pelantikan ini juga dilakukan tanpa sesi libat urus bersama pihak berkepentingan terutamanya CSO. Jika diteliti akta dan bidang kuasa IPCC sekarang, Kerajaan Perpaduan bukan sahaja tidak menambah baik mengikut pandangan CSO, malah ia tidak sehaluan dengan pendirian Pakatan Harapan sendiri yang menolak RUU IPCC pada tahun 2022. Bidang kuasa IPCC adalah jauh berbeza dengan Suruhanjaya Bebas Aduan dan Salah Laku Polis (IPCMC) yang dicadangkan oleh Suruhanjaya Siasatan Diraja (RCI) pada tahun 2005, jelas IPCC lebih tidak efektif berbanding EAIC yang sememangnya sedia lemah. Tidak kira betapa cekap dan berpengalaman ahli Suruhanjaya, kami khuatir kekurangan IPCC secara struktural hanya akan menjadikan ‘Suruhanjaya Rujukan’ (Referral Commission), ibarat ‘harimau tidak bertaring’. IPCC tiada kuasa untuk menggeledah atau menyita, tidak boleh melawat lokap polis tanpa notis awal, malah tidak boleh mengambil tindakan disiplin terhadap pesalah laku dan hanya mampu memberi cadangan kepada Suruhanjaya Pasukan Polis untuk tindakan lanjut. Kami sangsi bahawa IPCC dapat menangani isu salah laku polis secara efektif memandangkan bidang kuasanya untuk menyiasat dan menguatkuasakan hukuman adalah amat terhad. Namun begitu, kami masih bersedia untuk bekerjasama. Kami mencadangkan satu mesyuarat antara CSO dan IPCC untuk diadakan dalam masa terdekat bagi mencari jalan dalam memastikan institusi in dapat sekurang-kurangnya berfungsi secara efektif. Kami juga menyeru kerajaan untuk memastikan pemilihan baki dua orang ahli Suruhanjaya dijalankan secara terbuka dan telus. Selain itu, komposisi IPCC juga perlu mencerminkan masyarakat yang berkepelbagaian. Penilaian berkala (periodic review) terhadap prestasi dan keberkesanan IPCC perlu dilaksanakan setiap dua tahun dan dibentangkan di Parlimen. Pindaan undang-undang dan penambahbaikan dasar perlu diusahakan secepat mungkin agar ia mencapai semangat asal IPCMC, amalan baik dan piawaian antarabangsa. Satu badan pengawasan polis yang bebas dan efektif bukan sahaja penting untuk pihak awam tetapi juga kepada pihak polis. Tugas IPCC adalah kritikal terutamanya semasa reputasi dan imej PDRM semakin merosot serta defisit kepercayaan terhadap PDRM semakin melebar. Kami menyeru agar sebarang siasatan terhadap kes-kes salah laku polis dijalankan secara telus dan adil supaya integriti PDRM terpelihara. Kami juga bersedia bekerjasama bagi membina satu pasukan polis yang berakaunbiliti, dipercayai serta dihormati oleh rakyat jelata. Disokong oleh: Lihat senarai di atas. Turut hadir rakan-rakan seperjuangan daripada organisasi masyarakat sivil (CSO). More in the media: https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/693931 https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/693942 https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/693933 https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/693947 https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/693958 https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/693964 https://www.bharian.com.my/berita/nasional/2024/01/1203334/ipcc-ibarat-harimau-tak-bertaring-suaram https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2024/01/22/independent-police-conduct-commission-needs-more-transparency-says-civil-society https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2024/01/22/csos-want-periodic-review-of-ipcc-tabled-in-parliament/ https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2024/01/22/suaram-calls-for-strengthening-of-ipcc-to-address-escalating-police-misconduct/113854

The Kuala Lumpur High Court has swiftly granted a stay in deportation of MA Quayum in the hearing for Quayum’s habeas corpus application this morning. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) applauds the Kuala Lumpur High Court and the Attorney-General’s Chambers for this decision. MA Quayum, a member of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), was apprehended in a joint operation conducted by the Malaysian police and the National Security Intelligence (NSI) of Bangladesh on 12 January at his residence in Ampang. He has been detained at the Ampang Jaya District Police Headquarters till this morning, and is in the midst of being referred to the Immigration Department Headquarters in Putrajaya. The arrest and detention are especially unwarranted, as Quayum is a UNHCR-recognised refugee and has an active UNHCR card. We demand the Immigration Department to fully comply with this court order and immediately cease any plans to deport Quayum. The reprehensible act of defying the temporary court order and forcibly deporting asylum seekers that was cruelly executed three years ago should not be repeated. As a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council, Malaysia must uphold its commitment to respect and protect refugees fleeing persecution, as well as refrain from forcibly returning them to a country where they may face harm. Violating the fundamental principle of non-refoulement would cast doubt on the MADANI government's commitment to human rights. On this note, we reiterate our call on the Malaysian government to release MA Quayum immediately and unconditionally.

We, the undersigned nine human rights organizations that defend freedom of opinion and expression, condemn the criminal charges against the filmmakers of Mentega Terbang[1]. On 17 January, the film’s producer, Tan Meng Kheng, and director, Khairi Anwar Jailani, were charged under Section 298 of the Penal Code for ‘hurting religious feelings’, a blasphemy provision. Khairi Anwar was fined RM 6,000 (approximately USD 1270), and the court ordered him to report to the police station monthly. Meanwhile, Tan Meng was fined RM 6,500 (approximately USD 1380). They both were ordered not to comment publicly about the case pending disposal of their cases. They were released under bail, and the next case hearing is fixed on 14 March 2024. The film was banned in September 2023  under Section 26 of the Film Censorship Act (2002) on the ground that it is ‘contrary to the public interest,’ two years after its release in 2021.  From early 2023, the filmmakers suffered a distressing witch hunt and faced threats from the State, non-State actors, and social media users. Instead of protecting their safety and right to expression, the State now threatens them with legal action. The producer and director have filed a legal challenge against the ban in December 2023. Section 298 of the Penal Code makes the insult of any religion a criminal offence. Monitoring of human rights violations shows that these provisions are largely used against those deemed to have allegedly insulted Islam. The enforcement of these provisions has had a disproportionate and negative impact on minority communities, political dissidents, atheists, comedians, artists, religious scholars, and others who express opinions and oftentimes, merely a reflection of lived realities on the ground, and especially as a response to questionable actions by those who wield power. While Malaysia is not a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Article 19(2) of the ICCPR is considered part of customary international law and therefore binding upon Malaysia. In General Comment 34 on Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the UN Human Rights Committee stated clearly that blasphemy laws are incompatible with the right to freedom of expression except in specific circumstances laid out under Article 20(2) of the ICCPR, such as when the speech or expression in question constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence. International human rights bodies and experts have repeatedly warned that blasphemy provisions are inconsistent with international human rights law, including the right to freedom of expression and the right to freedom of religion or belief. Blasphemy provisions are arbitrary and open to abuse. They inappropriately empower government authorities to decide the parameters of religious discourse. Minority groups and individuals holding unpopular opinions are often disproportionately targeted. The enforcement of blasphemy provisions is highly problematic, especially when criminal sanctions are applied. As a result, blasphemy provisions promote intolerance by restricting the rights to freedom of expression, thought, and religion. Such prejudice can result in devastating consequences for society. Human rights law holds that restrictions on the freedom of expression placed by the State are permitted only if provided by law and in pursuit of a legitimate aim. Measures taken by the State must be necessary and proportionate to that aim. In her report to the Human Rights Council after the visit to Malaysia in 2017, the Special Rapporteur in the field of cultural rights found that ‘there is an urgent need to review and clarify the criteria for censorship of books and films and to make the decision-making process more transparent so as to guarantee freedom of artistic expression’. She also stressed that ‘the government of Malaysia needs to develop concrete plans to guarantee freedom of artistic expression’ and encouraged the government to ‘support a diversity of spaces and platforms for people to engage meaningfully with one another about culture, including in relation to issues upon which they do not agree.’ Freedom of artistic expression is an essential component of nation-building and in fostering a culture that celebrates creativity. We call upon the government to Immediately and unconditionally, drop the charges against Tan and Khairy. We also urge the Madani government to end the criminalisation of religious offence and the use of other vague provisions in the law to curtail freedom of expression and artistic freedom in Malaysia. It is time for the government to adopt a comprehensive and evidence-based national implementation plan on Human Rights Council Resolution 16/18 and the Rabat Plan of Action to promote inclusion and implement measures to guarantee equal and effective protection of the law while respecting the right to freedom of expression. In addition, we urge the Malaysian government to repeal or amend all laws restricting freedom of expression in Malaysia, including the Sedition Act, Film Censorship Act, Communication and Multimedia Act (CMA), Printing Presses and Publications Act (PPPA), Sections 504 and 505(b), and Sections 298 and 298A (1)  of the Penal Code, and to ensure that they comply with international human rights laws and standards. During the upcoming 4th Universal Periodic Review (UPR) session at the Human Rights Council in Geneva in January 2024, the government has another opportunity to renew its commitments to human rights protection by signing and ratifying the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and all other major international human rights treaties. [1] “Mentega Terbang” which was released on streaming site in 2021 tells the story of 15-year-old Aishah as she struggles with questions about life after death in various religions when faced with her mother’s terminal illness. Conservative groups complained that the film went against Islamic religious doctrine. Signatories 1.     ARTICLE 19 2.     Amnesty International Malaysia (AIM) 3.     Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ) 4.     Freedom Film Network (FFN) 5.     Gerakan Media Merdeka (Geramm) 6.     Justice for Sisters (JFS) 7.     KRYSS Network 8.     Sisters In Islam (SIS) 9.     Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) Read statements by Freedom Film Network: https://freedomfilm.my/charges-against-mentega-terbang-cloud-malaysian-film-industrys-future/93779/?fbclid=IwAR0XxcxU5qQGIk8CvbPwfPqOVOHxU-LJ0S19C36oZCLe1YZDqA8cjmjsMB4 https://freedomfilm.my/tuduhan-terhadap-mentega-terbang-menggugat-masa-depan-industri-perfileman-malaysia/93788/

Today, 15 organisers and/or speakers of the #Kepung Demi Palestin rally, including myself, were called in to record statements and assist with investigations under Section 9(5) of the Peaceful Assembly Act (PAA) 2012. This investigation is an absolute waste of time, when the six-day assembly was conducted in a peaceful manner whilst the police were present to ensure public safety. On this note, investigating 15 organisers and speakers unnecessarily consumes limited police resources, when these officers and time spent could have been directed towards actual crime cases. Moreover, post-assembly investigations, a longstanding tactic by the police, are also an act that intimidates individuals and disincentivises them from legitimately exercising their right to express themselves collectively and on a wider level, political participation. As long as non-violence is upheld, the right to peacefully assemble is inalienable, regardless of whether notice has been given or not. The police’s role to facilitate, and not to arbitrate on, public assemblies is clear in PAA 2012, not only by justifications of need for preparation time to ensure peace and security from current and past Home Ministers to retain the notification requirement, but also via the absence of provisions stipulating that assemblies held without giving notice are unlawful. Equally importantly, the violence against the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip is an urgent human rights atrocity of not only high public interest but also volatile in developments. This makes the organisation of spontaneous assemblies inevitable. Current investigations only reinforce the reprehensible fact that such assemblies are generally not allowed, perpetuated by factors some of which I have mentioned, such as the lack of concerted understanding by the police force in their role to facilitate public assemblies. Full sensitisation of the police force to truly uphold and protect the fundamental right to peaceful assembly is long overdue, when the PAA was enforced 11 years ago. With the start of 2024, also the year for Malaysia to reaffirm its human rights commitments through the Universal Periodic Review, it is also time for the police to reaffirm theirs as well, via a reduction in post-assembly investigations against peaceful protests in general, and increased cooperation to facilitate spontaneous public assemblies. In solidarity, Sevan Doraisamy (Executive Director at SUARAM)