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KEPADA AHLI PARLIMEN / To Members of Parliament DISEDIAKAN OLEH / Prepared by : SUARA RAKYAT MALAYSIA (SUARAM) 4 JULAI / JULY 2024 Note: The English version of this memorandum can be found below the Malay version. Mansuh Akta Hasutan Sekarang Kami, organisasi masyarakat sivil yang menandatangani ini, mengutuk tindakan kerajaan yang menyalahgunakan Akta Hasutan terhadap pengasas Borneo Komrad, Mukmin Nantang. Situasi ini jelas menunjukkan bahawa kebebasan bersuara - hak yang termaktub di dalam Perkara 10 Perlembagaan Persekutuan semakin terhakis. Kami menuntut Akta Hasutan, akta zaman penjajah ini untuk dimansuhkan dengan segera. Penangkapan dan Siasatan Terhadap Mukmin Nantang Membuka Jalan kepada Tindakan yang Lebih Autoritarian Siasatan hasutan yang dikenakan terhadap Mukmin Nantang menimbulkan kekhuatiran dari pelbagai aspek: Sejak terbentuknya kerajaan perpaduan, buat pertama kalinya undang-undang era kolonial digunakan untuk mendiamkan pembela hak asasi manusia. Sepanjang tahun 2023, Akta Hasutan banyak digunakan terhadap penentang politik yang mengkritik. Walhal, Perdana Menteri, Anwar Ibrahim pernah memberi jaminan kepada orang awam pada tahun lalu bahawa Akta Hasutan tidak akan digunakan terhadap mereka yang mengkritik beliau atau kerajaannya - termasuklah Menteri Dalam Negeri, Saifuddin Nasution, yang pada Mac tahun ini turut menyatakan bahawa kerajaan ‘tidak mahu menggunakan Akta Hasutan dalam isu-isu politik’. Sudah terang lagi bersuluh, janji-janji ini tidak ditepati. Kerajaan Perpaduan seperti juga kerajaan-kerajaan yang lepas, jelas  menggunakan Akta Hasutan ini untuk mendiamkan kritikan dan kebebasan bersuara.  Melihat kepada siasatan terhadap Mukmin, selepas penangkapan dan penahanan seorang guru dan lapan pelajar, ianya adalah sebahagian daripada taktik sistematik yang bukan sahaja menyekat suara komuniti Bajau Laut tetapi wacana awam yang lebih luas bagi memastikan kerajaan bertanggungjawab di atas pelanggaran hak asasi manusia  terhadap komuniti ini.  Malah, penangkapan Mukmin Nantang semasa beliau hadir untuk siasatan pada 27hb Jun 2024 secara sukarela, adalah perbuatan mala fide dan satu tindakan yang tidak berprofessional daripada pihak polis.  Dalam konteks ini, siasatan terhadap Mukmin membangkitkan kerisauan terhadap peningkatan penindasan yang lebih zalim dan tidak berperlembagaan terhadap kebebasan bersuara, satu hak yang dijamin dalam Perkara 10 Perlembagaan Persekutuan.    Akta Hasutan Menjadi Alat Pemerintahan Autoritarian dan Kebal dari Hukuman Selepas kerajaan perpaduan memegang tampuk kuasa, ruang awam menjadi terhad - salah satu faktor yang menyumbang adalah peningkatan salah guna Akta Hasutan. Pada tahun 2023 (sebanyak 121 kes), siasatan di bawah undang-undang ini meningkat kepada 133% berbanding tahun sebelumnya. Ini mengatasi bilangan kes tertinggi yang dicatatkan pada tahun 2020 (sebanyak 117 kes) dalam tempoh lapan tahun kebelakangan ini. Sepanjang tempoh enam bulan pertama tahun 2024, 18 kes baru berkaitan Akta Hasutan dilaporkan oleh media, dimana ini adalah lebih banyak daripada apa yang dilaporkan oleh organisasi masyarakat sivil, dimana empat pertuduhan dan satu didakwa - memecahkan rekod kerajaan terdahulu diantara tahun 2015 hingga 2023, yang secara konsisten setiap tahun hanya satu atau dua kes yang dituduh dan didakwa. Semua ini atas alasan melindungi negara daripada fitnah yang merosakkan, berita palsu dan penyebaran kebencian.  Pindaan Akta Hasutan tidak membantu untuk ‘mengurus isu-isu berkaitan 3R secara efektif’, termasuk membendung ucapan kebencian. Sebaliknya, peruntukan di dalam undang-undang tersebut menjadi alat kepada salah guna kuasa oleh kerajaan - tiada definisi khusus mengenai apa yang dianggap sebagai ucapan yang mempunyai ‘kecenderungan menghasut’ malah tiada keperluan membuktikan niat oleh pihak pendakwaan bagi memulakan siasatan dan pertuduhan. Meminda undang-undang kuno ini tidak akan mengubah status quo selama 76 tahun - dimana kerajaan hari ini mentakrifkan sendiri apa bentuk ekspresi yang sah mengikut kehendak mereka. Ini hanya akan mengukuhkan lagi sikap penapisan kendiri (self-censorship)  dimana akan menghalang perdebatan awam yang konstruktif dan penyertaan demokratik.  Malah, kerajaan harus memahami bahawa, sebarang percakapan hanya boleh disekat sekiranya ia membawa ancaman atau bahaya. Ini ternyata dalam piawaian hak asasi manusia antarabangsa. Menurut Artikel 19 (3) Waad Antarabangsa mengenai Hak Sivil dan Politik (ICCPR) , apabila sesuatu percakapan perlu disekat kerana ianya bahaya atau membawa ancaman, ianya harus mengikuti 3 ujian ini (i) Ianya diperuntukkan di bawah undang-undang dan undang-undang itu tidak boleh berat sebelah (provided by law) ; (ii) untuk tujuan yang sah – seperti keselamatan negara, keselamatan awam dan isu kesihatan (legitimate aim) ; dan (iii) perlu dan berkadar (necessary and proportionate) .  Mengambil pendekatan yang lebih menghukum (punitive approach)  dengan memperkukuhkan penggunaan Akta Hasutan juga mengurangkan keterbukaan kerajaan kepada libat urus konstruktif dengan pihak berkepentingan lain yang mempunyai sudut pandang berbeza seperti masyarakat sivil, sekaligus menjadikan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia yang kritikal mencabar atau bahkan mustahil untuk ditangani. Misalnya, Kementerian Dalam Negeri (KDN) sukar untuk diakses oleh organisasi masyarakat sivil dimana Saifuddin kekal tidak membalas pelbagai permintaan untuk mesyuarat bagi isu-isu pindaan regresif seperti hak pemberian kerakyatan kepada ibu yang berwargenegara Malaysia dan individu tanpa kerakyataan dalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan, pengusiran paksa masyarakat Bajau Laut, pindaan kepada Akta Kesalahan Keselamatan (Langkah-Langkah Khas) 2013 dan keperluan reformasi kepada Suruhanjaya Bebas Tatakelakuan Polis (IPCC). Kebebasan bersuara dan berekspresi adalah nadi kepada demokrasi. Halangan yang terlalu luas, sembarangan dan tidak berperlembagaan ini adalah sifat autoritarianisme. Dalam erti lain, Akta Hasutan tidak dapat diselamatkan dan tiada tempat di Malaysia. Ia perlu dimansuhkan.  Tuntutan Kami kekal dengan tuntutan kepada pihak kerajaan untuk memansuhkan Akta Hasutan. Kami juga mendesak agar usah ini disempurnakan dengan: Melaksanakan moratorium ke atas penggunaan undang-undang ini sementara menunggu pemansuhan, dan; Menerima sepenuhnya dan melaksanakan enam cadangan mengenai pemansuhan Akta Hasutan yang diterima semasa kitaran keempat Penilaian Berkala Sejagat atau (Universal Periodic Review) .  Selain daripada menggunakan Akta Hasutan sebagai alat untuk mendiamkan aktivis yang menyuarakan kebenaran dan penindasan terhadap komuniti terpinggir, sudah tiba masanya KDN bertindak dengan prinsip kemanusiaan dan menegakkan hak asasi manusia.  Kami menegaskan bahawa pentingnya untuk pihak KDN melakukan dialog dan kerjasama yang konstruktif dengan pihak berkepentingan akar umbi termasuk organisasi masyarakat sivil sebagai usaha berkesan dan kolaboratif merentas sektor bagi menangani pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dalam isu-isu berkaitan kewarganegaraan, migrasi, jenayah dan keselamatan negara.  (English version) Repeal the Sedition Act Now We, the undersigned civil society organisations, are alarmed by the increasing erosion by the state of the public’s constitutional right to freedom of expression through abuse of the Sedition Act, especially seen in last week’s arrest and investigation of Borneo Komrad founder Mukmin Nantang. We demand the immediate repeal of the Sedition Act.  Arrest and Probe of Mukmin Nantang Sets Precedent for More Authoritarian Crackdowns   The sedition probe of Mukmin Nantang is chillingly significant on many fronts.  This is the first time, since the unity government came into being, that the colonial-era legislation is used to silence a human rights defender.  Throughout 2023, the Sedition Act was limited to clampdowns on criticisms by political dissenters. Notably, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has assured the public last year that the Sedition Act would not be used against those who criticise him and the government, as did Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution in March this year that the government ‘does not want to use the Sedition Act in political issues’. These promises are all already broken. The unity government thus is no different from its predecessors in using the Sedition Act to suppress criticism and stifle freedom of expression. The sedition probe mirrors the slew of repressive actions by the Perikatan Nasional government using the Sedition Act to silence members of the media and activists.  Significant examples include investigations against Cynthia Gabriel for her letter titled ‘Anti-corruption rhetoric will never purify the unelected Perikatan Nasional government’, and the raid of the Al-Jazeera office following their broadcasted documentary on the poor handling of undocumented migrants during the Movement Control Order in 2020.  The sedition probe against Mukmin, given the arrest and detention of a teacher and seven students, are part of systematic tactics to stifle not only the voices of the Bajau Laut community but also wider public discourse that can hold the state accountable  in its human rights violations against this community.  Moreover, the arrest of Mukmin Nantang during his voluntary appearance for investigation on June 27, 2024, was an act of bad faith ( mala fide ) and unprofessional conduct by the police. In this context, the investigation of Mukmin raises concerns about the escalating and unconstitutional oppression of free speech, a right guaranteed under Article 10 of the Federal Constitution. Sedition Act Breeding Ground for Authoritarian Rule and Impunity After the unity government came into power, civic space has become more restricted, with the increase in abuse of the Sedition Act as one of the main contributing factors. Investigations in 2023 (at 121 cases) spiked by a whopping 133% compared to the previous year, surpassing even the highest record in 2020 (at 117 cases) over the last eight years. Within just the first six months of 2024, there are already 18 new media-reported Sedition Act cases, which is more than that documented by civil society within the same period last year. Out of these 18 media-reported cases, there are already 4 charges and 1 conviction – breaking even the government’s own records of Sedition Act charges and conviction numbers between 2015 and 2023, which has consistently been at one or two cases annually.   In this context, the investigation against Mukmin thus marks a concerning precedent for increasingly draconian and unconstitutional infringements on freedom of expression, a fundamental right that is guaranteed in Article 10 of the Federal Constitution - all in the perverse name of shielding the nation from destructive slander, fake news and seeds of hatred. Amending the Sedition Act does not help ‘effectively manage 3R issues’, including to curb hate speech. On the contrary, its provisions are breeding grounds for abuse of power by the state - having no specific definition of what constitutes speech with ‘seditious tendency’, and not at all requiring proof of intent by the prosecution to initiate investigations and charges. Amending this archaic law will not change the 76-year-old status quo - whereby the government of the day defines at its whims what are ‘legitimate’ forms of expression. This will only further entrench the climate of self-censorship, which hampers constructive public debate and democratic participation.  Moreover, the government must understand that freedom of expression can only be restricted if it poses a threat or danger to others. This is clearly enshrined in international human rights standards. According to Article 19(3) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), an interference with freedom of expression is only legitimate when it meets the three-part test: (i) it is provided by law and the law must not be biased, (ii) it serves a legitimate aim, such as national security, public safety or health issues, and (iii) it is necessary and proportionate.  Taking a more punitive approach via strengthened implementation of the Sedition Act also reduces the government’s receptivity towards constructive engagement with other stakeholders that have disparate viewpoints such as civil society, thereby making critical human rights violations challenging or even impossible to address. The Ministry of Home Affairs, for instance, has been inaccessible to civil society, whereby Saifuddin has remained unresponsive to the multiple requests for meetings submitted by civil society organisations on issues such as regressive amendments to the Federal Constitution on citizenship conferral rights of Malaysian mothers and statelessness, forced eviction of the Bajau Laut community, amendments to the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2013 and need for reform to the Independent Police Conduct Commission (IPCC). Freedom of speech and expression is the lifeblood of democracy. Restrictions against this fundamental freedom that are overly broad, arbitrary and unconstitutional are thus tantamount to authoritarianism. In short, the Sedition Act is unsalvageable and has no place in Malaysia. It must be repealed. Demands As we resound our calls to the government to abolish the Sedition Act, we also urge that this effort be concretised by: Implementing a moratorium on application of the legislation pending repeal, and Fully accepting and implementing the six recommendations on repealing the Sedition Act that were received during the fourth cycle of the Universal Periodic Review Instead of weaponising the Sedition Act to silence activists who speak up on truth and against oppression of the marginalised, it is high time that the Ministry of Home Affairs adopts a human rights-based approach as it discharges its mandate. We thus call on the Ministry of Home Affairs to prioritise consistent and constructive dialogues with grassroots stakeholders including civil society, as part of effective and collaborative cross-sectoral efforts to address human rights violations in citizenship, migration, crime and national security. Memorandum ini disokong / This memorandum is endorsed by : Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) Buku Jalanan Chow Kit Dewan Muda Alternatif (DMA) Pusat Pembangunan Rakyat Mandiri (MANDIRI) TEROKA by MUDA Suara Mahasiswa UMS HAYAT ARTICLE 19 Shah Fariq Aizal, IRI Generation Democracy (Malaysia) Liga Rakyat Demokratik Young Lawyers Movement CIVICUS Undi18 Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) Gabungan Marhaen MISI: Solidariti Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia (SABM) Potere al Popolo! (PaP) Italy Pemuda Sosialis (PS) Pertubuhan Siragugal Sungai Siput (U) Perak  Tindak Malaysia  Teoh Beng Hock Association for Democratic Advancement Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ) MADPET (Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture) Pertubuhan Jaringan Kebajikan Komuniti (JEJAKA) Borneo Komrad Persatuan Kebangsaan Hak Asasi Manusia Malaysia (HAKAM) Empower  Justice for Sisters  Parti Ikatan Demokratik Malaysia (MUDA) Lawyers for Liberty (LFL) Women in Power  Amnesty International Malaysia (AIM) Gabungan Pilihan Raya Bersih dan Adil (BERSIH) KRYSS Network

CIVICUS, SUARAM, the Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ), FORUM-ASIA, and ARTICLE 19 are concerned that the Malaysian government has failed to accept recommendations made at the UN’s Human Rights Council to respect and protect civic freedoms, particularly freedom of expression and freedom of assembly. These actions are inconsistent with the government’s commitments to undertake human rights reforms and call into question Malaysia’s credibility as a member of the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC). In February 2024, Malaysia’s human rights record was   reviewed by the UN Human Rights Council  during its Universal Periodic Review (UPR). 348 recommendations were issued, including on respect for civic freedoms. Among the recommendations made were to ratify human rights treaties, repeal restrictive laws, and ensure the protection of human rights defenders. The adoption of the outcome report is   scheduled  for 5 July 2024 in Geneva. During its last review in 2018, the Malaysian government accepted recommendations to sign and ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a core human rights treaty ratified by 174 countries globally. However, the government appears to have backtracked on this commitment by failing to accept recommendations to do so, making the country an outlier on this key treaty. Our organisations are concerned that the government failed to accept any recommendations to review or repeal laws that curtail freedom of expression, such as the Sedition Act 1948, Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 (CMA), and the Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984 (PPPA). Since the Anwar Ibrahim government came to power, our organisations have documented how the state has continued using these laws to criminalise human rights defenders, the opposition, and critics.  The CMA in particular is one of the most significant threats to freedom of expression in Malaysia. It has been used to criminalise online expression and block social media posts, critical websites, and blogs.  The authorities routinely abuse the colonial-era Sedition Act to stifle dissent, as highlighted by the recent investigation of youth activist   Mukmin Nantang  for his peaceful advocacy for the rights of the Bajau Laut people, an Indigenous community in East Malaysia. Notably, this is the first time the sedition law has been used to target a human rights defender under the current government. The PPPA has been used to raid bookstores like   Toko Rakyat  in August 2023 and ban books. The government is also mulling over expanding the scope  of the PPPA to regulate digital media, which could severely threaten media freedom and freedom of expression for online content publishers.  At the same time, progress has been slow on the promised enactment of Right to Information legislation and establishment of the Malaysian Media Council. The government also did not accept recommendations to revise the Peaceful Assembly Act, which is discriminatory and has been used to restrict and criminalise protests.  The law criminalises anyone who organises an assembly without giving the required notice five days in advance, and lacks an exception to the notice requirement for spontaneous assemblies. It also makes it a criminal offence for people under 21 years old to organise an assembly and for children to attend an assembly. Further, non-citizens are also denied the right to organise or participate in protests, which is discriminatory.  Over the last two years, the government has continued to harass protesters for organising and participating in peaceful protests. The police have systematically called activists for questioning before and after the assemblies, including for protests in support of women’s rights, labour rights, and land rights, protests in solidarity with the Palestinians, as well as those critical of the government. Additionally, the state failed to accept recommendations to protect human rights defenders - who continue to face arrests, harassment, threats, and online violence. Land rights activist Chong Yee Shan is on trial for   blocking a forced eviction  of farmers in October 2023, where she was assaulted by a government official. At the same time, no one has been held accountable for the threat on the life of lawyer and human rights defender Siti Kassim after a   bomb  was found under her car in July 2023. As a UN Human Rights Council member, we urge the Malaysian government to review its regressive decision not to accept the UPR recommendations on civic freedoms and take its role seriously. The government can start by ratifying core treaties, especially the ICCPR and immediately review and abolish restrictive laws that silence dissent. We also urge the government to create an enabling environment for civil society and human rights defenders to carry out their fundamental work to promote and protect human rights.

As Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) marks the 40th anniversary of the United Nations Convention Against Torture (UNCAT), we commemorate all victims and survivors of torture. Despite Malaysia’s unwavering condemnation of genocide and use of torture in the Israel-Occupied Palestinian Territories, we are ironically among the few countries worldwide that has yet to internationally commit to zero tolerance against torture. SUARAM thus demands that the Malaysian government live up to international standards to which we hold other governments accountable – by ratifying UNCAT now. Torture in custody is still a recurring issue within Malaysia, with obstructed access to justice a widespread reality for victims, survivors and their families. Based on SUARAM’s past and current cases, the majority of victims and survivors are still denied independent and impartial investigations by the state into their ordeals, even years after having endured torture at the hands of law enforcement. This also mercilessly applies to youth in conflict with the law, namely 16-year-old Ang Kian Kok in 2017 who was also an eyewitness to Balamurugan’s death in police custody, and 18-year-old Mitheswaran a/l Kumar in 2021. Despite intervention by the National Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM), the government has neither punished the perpetrators involved nor provided reparations to these boys. Ignoring these past and ongoing injustices is unbefitting for a government that has extensively preached MADANI values and tooted their own horn about the commitment to accountability. As we reiterate our call to the government to explicitly commit to ratify UNCAT during the Universal Periodic Review Outcome Report adoption session next week, we also demand that zero tolerance against torture be concretised by: Investigations of past and ongoing cases of torture in custody, with unhindered access to reparation and rehabilitation for victims and survivors; Full implementation of the Mendez Principles on Effective Interviewing, which offer guidance on information gathering during criminal investigations whilst protecting human rights, and; Alignment of domestic legislations and policies, including the Federal Constitution, with UNCAT to effectively prohibit torture and create positive environments that reinforce accountable administration of justice

Sejak terbentuknya kerajaan perpaduan, buat pertama kalinya undang-undang ‘ketinggalan zaman’, Akta Hasutan digunakan terhadap pembela hak asasi manusia (HAM), iaitu kepada pengasas Borneo Komrad, Mukmin Nantang yang cuba untuk mendedahkan isu-isu penindasan. Hanya pada tahun lalu, mengikut dokumentasi SUARAM, Seksyen 186 Kanun Keseksaan dan undang-undang fitnah telah digunakan terhadap pembela HAM semasa berlakunya pengusiran paksa petani di Kanthan. Situasi sebegini jelas menunjukkan kemunduran kepada kebebasan bersuara seperti yang terjadi sewaktu pandemik, apabila Akta Hasutan dan Seksyen 233 Akta Komunikasi dan Multimedia disalahgunakan secara berleluasa oleh kerajaan Perikatan Nasional untuk mendiamkan pembela HAM dan media daripada melakukan pendedahan kritikal terhadap isu-isu pelanggaran HAM. Siasatan terhadap Mukmin selepas penangkapan dan penahanan seorang guru dan lapan anak muridnya baru-baru ini - susulan daripada himpunan #KamiMahuAir, jelas sekali menunjukkan bahawa kerajaan tidak berprinsip kepada rakyat dan hanya mementingkan kredibiliti dan reputasinya sahaja. Kerajaan hari ini dilihat mengabaikan komitmen yang dibuat untuk meningkatkan akauntabiliti negara serta tanggungjawab asas untuk menegakkan kebebasan bersuara seperti yang termaktub dalam Perkara 10 Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Penyalahgunaan Akta Hasutan secara terang-terangan ini menjadikan komitmen yang dibuat oleh kerajaan perpaduan pada Mac tahun ini untuk meminda undang-undang tersebut dilihat tidak bermakna. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) dengan tegas mengkritik siasatan polis terhadap Mukmin dan menuntut agar siasatan tersebut dihentikan serta-merta. Kami juga menyeru kerajaan untuk memansuhkan Akta Hasutan dan mengukuhkan usaha ini dengan: Melaksanakan morotarium ke atas penggunaan undang-undang tersebut sementara menunggu pemansuhan, dan Menerima dan melaksanakan sepenuhnya enam cadangan mengenai pemansuhan Akta Hasutan yang diterima semasa kitaran keempat Penilaian Berkala Sejagat.

Since the unity government came into being, the investigation by the Semporna police against Borneo Komrad founder Mukmin Nantang under the Sedition Act marks the first time that the archaic law is abused to crack down on whistleblowing efforts by human rights defenders (HRDs). Among the few cases documented over the last 1.5 years such as the forced eviction of farmers in Kanthan, Section 186 of the Penal Code and defamation laws were primarily used against HRDs. This sets a concerning precedent for further regression of freedom of expression to pandemic levels - when the Sedition Act and Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act were rampantly misused by the Perikatan Nasional government to silence HRDs and the media for exposing critical state-perpetrated human rights violations. By targeting Mukmin after the recent arrest and detention of a teacher and eight of his students post-#KamiMahuAir rally, it is clear that the government unscrupulously prizes its credibility and reputation. This is at the complete expense of commitments made to improving state accountability, and the government’s foundational duty to uphold freedom of expression as enshrined in Article 10 of the Federal Constitution. Such blatant abuse of the Sedition Act also renders the commitment made by the unity government in March this year to amend the legislation insignificant. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) unequivocally condemns the police investigation against Mukmin, and demands that it be ceased immediately. We also call on the government to abolish the Sedition Act, and concretise this effort by: implementing a moratorium on application of the legislation pending repeal, and fully accepting and implementing the six recommendations on repealing the Sedition Act that were received during the fourth cycle of the Universal Periodic Review

Permit tidak diperlukan untuk menganjurkan perhimpunan aman. Perkara ini telah diperkukuh oleh Ketua Polis Negara pada 4 Mac tahun ini, malah termaktub dalam Akta Perhimpunan Aman melalui keperluan penganjur untuk memaklumkan polis lima hari sebelum perhimpunan. Oleh itu, hentikan amalan lama ini yang mengelirukan orang ramai untuk mempercayai bahawa permit diperlukan untuk protes menjadi 'sah', dan sebaliknya melindungi hak mereka untuk berhimpun secara aman, iaitu hak asasi yang dijamin di bawah Perkara 10(b) Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Mana-mana orang awam boleh menganjurkan dan mengambil bahagian dalam perhimpunan aman tanpa perlu menghadapi ugutan dan tindak balas daripada mana-mana pihak, kerana ia adalah saluran yang sah untuk bersuara mengenai isu-isu berkepentingan. Sehubungan dengan itu, Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) menggesa polis Kota Kinabalu untuk memudahkan demonstrasi aman #KamiMahuAir esok, dan memastikan keselamatan penganjur dan peserta yang hadir. Justeru, pembaharuan sistemik perlu dilakukan untuk memastikan hak untuk berhimpun secara aman dihormati secara konsisten oleh kerajaan. Keterbukaan kerajaan untuk memperkemas pemberitahuan perhimpunan aman harus dibuktikan dengan usaha dengan menjalankan pengumpulan input daripada pihak berkepentingan, termasuk masyarakat sivil.

No permits are needed to organise peaceful assemblies. This fact is reinforced by the Inspector-General of Police on 4 March this year, also enshrined in the Peaceful Assembly Act via the requirement of organisers to notify the police five days before the assembly. Thus, stop this longstanding practice of misleading the public into believing that permits are needed for protests to be ‘legal’, and protect their right to peacefully assemble instead, a fundamental right that is guaranteed under Article 10(b) of the Federal Constitution. Any person can and should be able to organise and participate in peaceful assemblies without facing intimidation and reprisals from any party, as assemblies are a legitimate vehicle to speak up on issues of interest. In this regard, Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) urges the Kota Kinabalu police to facilitate tomorrow’s #KamiMahuAir peaceful demonstration, whilst ensuring the safety of organisers and participants present. On a wider note, systemic reforms need to be undertaken to ensure that the right to peacefully assemble is consistently respected by the state. The government’s expressed openness to streamlining notifications of peaceful assemblies should be concretised by efforts to conduct stakeholder engagements, including civil society, to gather input.

The consent judgement recorded yesterday before the Kuala Lumpur High Court in MA Quayum’s habeas corpus application was a hopeful ray of light amidst Malaysia’s longstanding notorious track record of arresting, arbitrarily detaining and deporting refugees and asylum seekers. Recognising the high risk to physical safety that Quayum and his family continues to experience since 2008 due to state persecution, the Malaysian government has not only commendably upheld the inalienable right to life under Article 5 of the Federal Constitution, but also demonstrated itself to be capable of operationalising the principle of non-refoulement. Following from this positive precedent, Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) urges the MADANI government to concretise efforts in strengthening transnational responsibility in human rights protection, especially in view of our nation’s current membership in the United Nations Human Rights Council and the upcoming chairpersonship in ASEAN next year. On this note, we call for the following: Full acceptance and implementation of recommendations received during the 4th Universal Periodic Review on having a comprehensive legal and policy framework that will recognise and protect refugees and asylum seekers, as well as provide them with basic rights to work, education and healthcare. Issuance of official confirmation to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to visit immigration detention centres and monitor conditions of detained refugees and asylum seekers. Consistent observance of the international principle of non-refoulement. Aside from refugees and asylum seekers, this principle should also be applied to protect human rights defenders who seek refuge in Malaysia due to life-threatening state reprisals. A media statement by lawyers Edmund Bon Tai Soon, Kee Shu Min and Lee Yee Woei on behalf of MA Quayum can be found here: https://www.amerbon.com/blawg/mediastatement-on-m-a-quayums-case

It is as clear as day that the ‘Search for Missing Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’ is a public assembly consisting of activists seeking long overdue justice for Teoh Beng Hock’s death. Police investigations against the assembly under Section 4A of the Election Offences Act is thus a blatant act of intimidation that deprives the people of their fundamental right to approach and speak to policymakers about their issues. These tactics are not new, especially against activists peacefully assembling outside Parliament for the same purpose – the #LawanLapar assembly was a recent one last year, with Section 186 of the Penal Code used as a basis for investigations. The police’s alleged threat to arrest activists during the assembly, followed by questions and investigations under Section 504 of the Penal Code are just as inexcusable, being attempts to delegitimise pursuit of justice as ‘civil disobedience’ that is justifiably repressed by ‘rule of law’. It is both ironic and noteworthy that these police investigations are completely antithetical to the commitment that Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim made just hours before on the same day to table the proposal that every leader, including himself, be responsible for ‘looking after a village to have first-hand knowledge of problems’ faced by locals. To be keen on calling ‘all community representatives in the village’ to hear their issues but not respond to multiple active attempts by a civil society organisation over 17 months on a case of unjust death in custody only conveys double standards that cast doubt on how serious the government in upholding the justice, transparency and accountability agenda. The police must immediately discontinue the probe against Ng Yap Hwa and Teoh Lee Lan.  It is also imperative that the Prime Minister no longer delay meeting Teoh Beng Hock Trust for Democracy on their demands and make concrete commitments to hold the relevant perpetrators accountable.

We refer to the news report today that a farmer was charged for allegedly circulating WhatsApp messages surrounding the Forest City casino discussions. This is a witch hunt with the sole aim of cracking down on discourse that tarnishes the government’s reputation in the eyes of the public. Through such systematic targeting of members of the public, it could not be more blatant that the government has completely failed in upholding not only the fundamental right to freedom of expression, but also the supreme law of the land, the Federal Constitution, that enshrines this fundamental right. In the process of doing so, the state incites further self-censorship and fear among the greater populace, effectively curtailing public participation in nation-building. Whilst wasting police resources that are already limited, we also see streaks of authoritarian policing at play, whereby the police is deployed by the state to serve their interests instead of those of the public, via arbitrary application of draconian laws for which they could not be held accountable. Such systematic crackdown is unfortunately not new. In fact, this tactic was employed by the Perikatan Nasional administration to clamp down on public dissent – both the Sedition Act and Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act were used to investigate 14 activists for their plans to organise the #Lawan rally in 2021. Freedom of expression has thus regressed to levels seen during the pandemic. This is also highly concerning, as it can set the precedent for increasingly draconian measures by the state against the public in the name of ‘restoring order’ or ‘upholding truth’. We are a democratic nation, not an authoritarian regime. Stop this farcical crackdown immediately and we repeat, repeal the Sedition Act.

The arrest and remand of Badrul Hisham Shaharin are acts of repressive intimidation. It demonstrates that the unity government is no different from previous administrations in continuing to arbitrarily weaponise the Sedition Act against its dissenters, especially the political opposition. Even the commitment made in July last year by Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim to only limit use of the Sedition Act to criticisms involving the Rulers’ position has been reneged at least seven times to date, with investigations and charges on statements that are about the Pardons Board’s authorisation, Malaysia-Israeli relations, the judiciary, and also notably the unity government’s establishment and Anwar himself. Let us not forget that repealing the Sedition Act was also the promise made by the Pakatan Harapan coalition in their election manifesto – which was then broken. Prohibition of ‘insults’ to public figures because of their status fundamentally contradicts the principle that government should by right be subject to public scrutiny and criticism. This principle is also especially crucial in cases of unelected heads of state including monarchs, who cannot otherwise be held accountable by citizens. Thus, by continuing to enforce the Sedition Act, the government is also actively hindering Malaysia from progressing to not only become a true democracy, but also fully live up to transparency and accountability standards which many Malaysians have demanded for. The public will never be able to enjoy the basic right of having free, diverse and meaningful discourse on various issues of public interest as stipulated in Article 10 of the Federal Constitution, as long as criminalisation via the Sedition Act in the name of claiming ownership of truth remains the status quo. Repeal the Sedition Act.

2023 constituted a disconcerting picture of the state of human rights and reform in the country, marked simultaneously by positive strides and limited progress in key areas, as well as persistent violations of rights of vulnerable groups. Laws that violate the right to fair trial continue to be applied. SUARAM documented 3220 cases of arrests, detention and charges related to human trafficking under the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 (SOSMA). For the first time since its inception, SOSMA was used to arrest and detain drug syndicate members, which is concerning when existing laws such as the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952 are adequate. The protracted wait of at least two years by detainees in prison for trial persists, though this is cut short by a year for 23 detainees in the Geng 08 GST case. 1012 arrests were made under the Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act 1985 (DD(SPM)A) in 2023. Despite longstanding calls for amendments and repeal to SOSMA, progress on that front remains slow. Though the government is receptive to amending SOSMA, no explicit timeline is yet given. Tarrying further only results in continued violation of the fundamental right to fair trial, and most importantly, the fulfilment of social and economic rights of families of detainees. Whilst death in custody cases in 2023 may have reduced by 48% compared to the previous year, the issue of lacking data transparency persists. Access to justice for families of the deceased is also challenging and protracted. SUARAM noted six past DIC cases of which final court proceedings took place in 2023, with families pursuing justice for as long as 10 years. There is no commitment by the current administration to improve the Independent Police Conduct Commission Act 2022 (IPCC) - one of the pledges by the Pakatan Harapan coalition in its election manifesto in 2022. Significant regression was seen in freedom of expression. Key laws such as the Sedition Act 1948 and Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 continue to be enforced. More explicit measures such as warnings by members in government and the setup of an investigation task force were implemented to exert more restrictive control over discourse related to race, religion and royalty. Five bans were enacted under the Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984, comprising four books and the Swatch Pride watch. Raids on two bookstores were conducted, confiscating 10 books that were not on the banned book list. Threats to student autonomy in universities and artistic freedom remain palpable. Restrictions to exercise freedom of peaceful assembly persisted. Investigations against organisers and/or participants after, and in some cases, before public assemblies, persist. SUARAM documented the number of individuals investigated to be at least 91 this year. Tactics seen in previous years such as police barricade, arrest and detention of individuals and pre-rally warnings are still used in public assemblies organised by the political opposition or held in significant public spaces such as Parliament. SUARAM documents a case of state intimidation and reprisal, in which an activist was charged in court despite being the victim of use of force by an enforcement official during the protest. Amendments to the National Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM) Act were passed in 2023, marking a significant step forward in strengthening the NHRI. This is especially needed when the institution’s credibility was undermined by the former Chairperson’s allegations of racial discrimination in staff appointment and subsequent defamation suit filed against a whistleblower for lodging an internal complaint on the matter. One of the biggest milestones Malaysia achieved in 2023 is the passing of the Abolition of Mandatory Death Penalty Bill 2023 (DR7) and the Revision of Sentence of Death and Imprisonment for Natural Life (Temporary Jurisdiction of the Federal Court) Bill 2023. With the resentencing of death row inmates in progress, gaps such as inadequate time to gather relevant mitigation evidence and insufficient consideration given to mitigating circumstances such as the inmate’s mental health condition need to be swiftly addressed. On institutional reforms, there were commendable actions, namely the passing of the Public Finance and Fiscal Responsibility Act 2023, ongoing drafting of the Ombudsman Bill as well as empowerment of the Parliamentary Special Select Committees in function and resources. Nevertheless, other crucial reforms, such as separation of the offices of the Attorney-General and the Public Prosecutor, malapportionment, constituency development fund for the political opposition, political appointments in government-linked companies and the reinstatement of local government elections, remain pending. Discrimination and fear continued dominating the lives of vulnerable groups. The increased prevalence of investigations and raids on migrants overshadow positive preliminary efforts by the government to improve their welfare, such as the launch of forced labour guidelines. Realisation of the right to work for refugees and self-determination for the Orang Asli remain to be seen. Basic rights of LGBTIQ and gender-diverse people regressed in 2023, as evidenced by spikes in censorship of LGBTIQ expressions, introduction of anti-LGBT Syariah laws and expansion of conversion practices. Impingements of freedom of religion and belief of religious minorities persisted. Amendments to the Federal Constitution that will worsen statelessness were proposed. As the unity government trudges through its second year, it is crucial that it anchors all laws and policies to the Madani values that prioritise inclusivity, equal respect for all, and trust from transparency and accountability.