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CIVICUS, SUARAM, the Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ), FORUM-ASIA, and ARTICLE 19 are concerned that the Malaysian government has failed to accept recommendations made at the UN’s Human Rights Council to respect and protect civic freedoms, particularly freedom of expression and freedom of assembly. These actions are inconsistent with the government’s commitments to undertake human rights reforms and call into question Malaysia’s credibility as a member of the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC). In February 2024, Malaysia’s human rights record was   reviewed by the UN Human Rights Council  during its Universal Periodic Review (UPR). 348 recommendations were issued, including on respect for civic freedoms. Among the recommendations made were to ratify human rights treaties, repeal restrictive laws, and ensure the protection of human rights defenders. The adoption of the outcome report is   scheduled  for 5 July 2024 in Geneva. During its last review in 2018, the Malaysian government accepted recommendations to sign and ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a core human rights treaty ratified by 174 countries globally. However, the government appears to have backtracked on this commitment by failing to accept recommendations to do so, making the country an outlier on this key treaty. Our organisations are concerned that the government failed to accept any recommendations to review or repeal laws that curtail freedom of expression, such as the Sedition Act 1948, Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 (CMA), and the Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984 (PPPA). Since the Anwar Ibrahim government came to power, our organisations have documented how the state has continued using these laws to criminalise human rights defenders, the opposition, and critics.  The CMA in particular is one of the most significant threats to freedom of expression in Malaysia. It has been used to criminalise online expression and block social media posts, critical websites, and blogs.  The authorities routinely abuse the colonial-era Sedition Act to stifle dissent, as highlighted by the recent investigation of youth activist   Mukmin Nantang  for his peaceful advocacy for the rights of the Bajau Laut people, an Indigenous community in East Malaysia. Notably, this is the first time the sedition law has been used to target a human rights defender under the current government. The PPPA has been used to raid bookstores like   Toko Rakyat  in August 2023 and ban books. The government is also mulling over expanding the scope  of the PPPA to regulate digital media, which could severely threaten media freedom and freedom of expression for online content publishers.  At the same time, progress has been slow on the promised enactment of Right to Information legislation and establishment of the Malaysian Media Council. The government also did not accept recommendations to revise the Peaceful Assembly Act, which is discriminatory and has been used to restrict and criminalise protests.  The law criminalises anyone who organises an assembly without giving the required notice five days in advance, and lacks an exception to the notice requirement for spontaneous assemblies. It also makes it a criminal offence for people under 21 years old to organise an assembly and for children to attend an assembly. Further, non-citizens are also denied the right to organise or participate in protests, which is discriminatory.  Over the last two years, the government has continued to harass protesters for organising and participating in peaceful protests. The police have systematically called activists for questioning before and after the assemblies, including for protests in support of women’s rights, labour rights, and land rights, protests in solidarity with the Palestinians, as well as those critical of the government. Additionally, the state failed to accept recommendations to protect human rights defenders - who continue to face arrests, harassment, threats, and online violence. Land rights activist Chong Yee Shan is on trial for   blocking a forced eviction  of farmers in October 2023, where she was assaulted by a government official. At the same time, no one has been held accountable for the threat on the life of lawyer and human rights defender Siti Kassim after a   bomb  was found under her car in July 2023. As a UN Human Rights Council member, we urge the Malaysian government to review its regressive decision not to accept the UPR recommendations on civic freedoms and take its role seriously. The government can start by ratifying core treaties, especially the ICCPR and immediately review and abolish restrictive laws that silence dissent. We also urge the government to create an enabling environment for civil society and human rights defenders to carry out their fundamental work to promote and protect human rights.

As Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) marks the 40th anniversary of the United Nations Convention Against Torture (UNCAT), we commemorate all victims and survivors of torture. Despite Malaysia’s unwavering condemnation of genocide and use of torture in the Israel-Occupied Palestinian Territories, we are ironically among the few countries worldwide that has yet to internationally commit to zero tolerance against torture. SUARAM thus demands that the Malaysian government live up to international standards to which we hold other governments accountable – by ratifying UNCAT now. Torture in custody is still a recurring issue within Malaysia, with obstructed access to justice a widespread reality for victims, survivors and their families. Based on SUARAM’s past and current cases, the majority of victims and survivors are still denied independent and impartial investigations by the state into their ordeals, even years after having endured torture at the hands of law enforcement. This also mercilessly applies to youth in conflict with the law, namely 16-year-old Ang Kian Kok in 2017 who was also an eyewitness to Balamurugan’s death in police custody, and 18-year-old Mitheswaran a/l Kumar in 2021. Despite intervention by the National Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM), the government has neither punished the perpetrators involved nor provided reparations to these boys. Ignoring these past and ongoing injustices is unbefitting for a government that has extensively preached MADANI values and tooted their own horn about the commitment to accountability. As we reiterate our call to the government to explicitly commit to ratify UNCAT during the Universal Periodic Review Outcome Report adoption session next week, we also demand that zero tolerance against torture be concretised by: Investigations of past and ongoing cases of torture in custody, with unhindered access to reparation and rehabilitation for victims and survivors; Full implementation of the Mendez Principles on Effective Interviewing, which offer guidance on information gathering during criminal investigations whilst protecting human rights, and; Alignment of domestic legislations and policies, including the Federal Constitution, with UNCAT to effectively prohibit torture and create positive environments that reinforce accountable administration of justice

Sejak terbentuknya kerajaan perpaduan, buat pertama kalinya undang-undang ‘ketinggalan zaman’, Akta Hasutan digunakan terhadap pembela hak asasi manusia (HAM), iaitu kepada pengasas Borneo Komrad, Mukmin Nantang yang cuba untuk mendedahkan isu-isu penindasan. Hanya pada tahun lalu, mengikut dokumentasi SUARAM, Seksyen 186 Kanun Keseksaan dan undang-undang fitnah telah digunakan terhadap pembela HAM semasa berlakunya pengusiran paksa petani di Kanthan. Situasi sebegini jelas menunjukkan kemunduran kepada kebebasan bersuara seperti yang terjadi sewaktu pandemik, apabila Akta Hasutan dan Seksyen 233 Akta Komunikasi dan Multimedia disalahgunakan secara berleluasa oleh kerajaan Perikatan Nasional untuk mendiamkan pembela HAM dan media daripada melakukan pendedahan kritikal terhadap isu-isu pelanggaran HAM. Siasatan terhadap Mukmin selepas penangkapan dan penahanan seorang guru dan lapan anak muridnya baru-baru ini - susulan daripada himpunan #KamiMahuAir, jelas sekali menunjukkan bahawa kerajaan tidak berprinsip kepada rakyat dan hanya mementingkan kredibiliti dan reputasinya sahaja. Kerajaan hari ini dilihat mengabaikan komitmen yang dibuat untuk meningkatkan akauntabiliti negara serta tanggungjawab asas untuk menegakkan kebebasan bersuara seperti yang termaktub dalam Perkara 10 Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Penyalahgunaan Akta Hasutan secara terang-terangan ini menjadikan komitmen yang dibuat oleh kerajaan perpaduan pada Mac tahun ini untuk meminda undang-undang tersebut dilihat tidak bermakna. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) dengan tegas mengkritik siasatan polis terhadap Mukmin dan menuntut agar siasatan tersebut dihentikan serta-merta. Kami juga menyeru kerajaan untuk memansuhkan Akta Hasutan dan mengukuhkan usaha ini dengan: Melaksanakan morotarium ke atas penggunaan undang-undang tersebut sementara menunggu pemansuhan, dan Menerima dan melaksanakan sepenuhnya enam cadangan mengenai pemansuhan Akta Hasutan yang diterima semasa kitaran keempat Penilaian Berkala Sejagat.

Since the unity government came into being, the investigation by the Semporna police against Borneo Komrad founder Mukmin Nantang under the Sedition Act marks the first time that the archaic law is abused to crack down on whistleblowing efforts by human rights defenders (HRDs). Among the few cases documented over the last 1.5 years such as the forced eviction of farmers in Kanthan, Section 186 of the Penal Code and defamation laws were primarily used against HRDs. This sets a concerning precedent for further regression of freedom of expression to pandemic levels - when the Sedition Act and Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act were rampantly misused by the Perikatan Nasional government to silence HRDs and the media for exposing critical state-perpetrated human rights violations. By targeting Mukmin after the recent arrest and detention of a teacher and eight of his students post-#KamiMahuAir rally, it is clear that the government unscrupulously prizes its credibility and reputation. This is at the complete expense of commitments made to improving state accountability, and the government’s foundational duty to uphold freedom of expression as enshrined in Article 10 of the Federal Constitution. Such blatant abuse of the Sedition Act also renders the commitment made by the unity government in March this year to amend the legislation insignificant. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) unequivocally condemns the police investigation against Mukmin, and demands that it be ceased immediately. We also call on the government to abolish the Sedition Act, and concretise this effort by: implementing a moratorium on application of the legislation pending repeal, and fully accepting and implementing the six recommendations on repealing the Sedition Act that were received during the fourth cycle of the Universal Periodic Review

Permit tidak diperlukan untuk menganjurkan perhimpunan aman. Perkara ini telah diperkukuh oleh Ketua Polis Negara pada 4 Mac tahun ini, malah termaktub dalam Akta Perhimpunan Aman melalui keperluan penganjur untuk memaklumkan polis lima hari sebelum perhimpunan. Oleh itu, hentikan amalan lama ini yang mengelirukan orang ramai untuk mempercayai bahawa permit diperlukan untuk protes menjadi 'sah', dan sebaliknya melindungi hak mereka untuk berhimpun secara aman, iaitu hak asasi yang dijamin di bawah Perkara 10(b) Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Mana-mana orang awam boleh menganjurkan dan mengambil bahagian dalam perhimpunan aman tanpa perlu menghadapi ugutan dan tindak balas daripada mana-mana pihak, kerana ia adalah saluran yang sah untuk bersuara mengenai isu-isu berkepentingan. Sehubungan dengan itu, Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) menggesa polis Kota Kinabalu untuk memudahkan demonstrasi aman #KamiMahuAir esok, dan memastikan keselamatan penganjur dan peserta yang hadir. Justeru, pembaharuan sistemik perlu dilakukan untuk memastikan hak untuk berhimpun secara aman dihormati secara konsisten oleh kerajaan. Keterbukaan kerajaan untuk memperkemas pemberitahuan perhimpunan aman harus dibuktikan dengan usaha dengan menjalankan pengumpulan input daripada pihak berkepentingan, termasuk masyarakat sivil.

No permits are needed to organise peaceful assemblies. This fact is reinforced by the Inspector-General of Police on 4 March this year, also enshrined in the Peaceful Assembly Act via the requirement of organisers to notify the police five days before the assembly. Thus, stop this longstanding practice of misleading the public into believing that permits are needed for protests to be ‘legal’, and protect their right to peacefully assemble instead, a fundamental right that is guaranteed under Article 10(b) of the Federal Constitution. Any person can and should be able to organise and participate in peaceful assemblies without facing intimidation and reprisals from any party, as assemblies are a legitimate vehicle to speak up on issues of interest. In this regard, Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) urges the Kota Kinabalu police to facilitate tomorrow’s #KamiMahuAir peaceful demonstration, whilst ensuring the safety of organisers and participants present. On a wider note, systemic reforms need to be undertaken to ensure that the right to peacefully assemble is consistently respected by the state. The government’s expressed openness to streamlining notifications of peaceful assemblies should be concretised by efforts to conduct stakeholder engagements, including civil society, to gather input.

The consent judgement recorded yesterday before the Kuala Lumpur High Court in MA Quayum’s habeas corpus application was a hopeful ray of light amidst Malaysia’s longstanding notorious track record of arresting, arbitrarily detaining and deporting refugees and asylum seekers. Recognising the high risk to physical safety that Quayum and his family continues to experience since 2008 due to state persecution, the Malaysian government has not only commendably upheld the inalienable right to life under Article 5 of the Federal Constitution, but also demonstrated itself to be capable of operationalising the principle of non-refoulement. Following from this positive precedent, Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) urges the MADANI government to concretise efforts in strengthening transnational responsibility in human rights protection, especially in view of our nation’s current membership in the United Nations Human Rights Council and the upcoming chairpersonship in ASEAN next year. On this note, we call for the following: Full acceptance and implementation of recommendations received during the 4th Universal Periodic Review on having a comprehensive legal and policy framework that will recognise and protect refugees and asylum seekers, as well as provide them with basic rights to work, education and healthcare. Issuance of official confirmation to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to visit immigration detention centres and monitor conditions of detained refugees and asylum seekers. Consistent observance of the international principle of non-refoulement. Aside from refugees and asylum seekers, this principle should also be applied to protect human rights defenders who seek refuge in Malaysia due to life-threatening state reprisals. A media statement by lawyers Edmund Bon Tai Soon, Kee Shu Min and Lee Yee Woei on behalf of MA Quayum can be found here: https://www.amerbon.com/blawg/mediastatement-on-m-a-quayums-case

It is as clear as day that the ‘Search for Missing Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’ is a public assembly consisting of activists seeking long overdue justice for Teoh Beng Hock’s death. Police investigations against the assembly under Section 4A of the Election Offences Act is thus a blatant act of intimidation that deprives the people of their fundamental right to approach and speak to policymakers about their issues. These tactics are not new, especially against activists peacefully assembling outside Parliament for the same purpose – the #LawanLapar assembly was a recent one last year, with Section 186 of the Penal Code used as a basis for investigations. The police’s alleged threat to arrest activists during the assembly, followed by questions and investigations under Section 504 of the Penal Code are just as inexcusable, being attempts to delegitimise pursuit of justice as ‘civil disobedience’ that is justifiably repressed by ‘rule of law’. It is both ironic and noteworthy that these police investigations are completely antithetical to the commitment that Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim made just hours before on the same day to table the proposal that every leader, including himself, be responsible for ‘looking after a village to have first-hand knowledge of problems’ faced by locals. To be keen on calling ‘all community representatives in the village’ to hear their issues but not respond to multiple active attempts by a civil society organisation over 17 months on a case of unjust death in custody only conveys double standards that cast doubt on how serious the government in upholding the justice, transparency and accountability agenda. The police must immediately discontinue the probe against Ng Yap Hwa and Teoh Lee Lan.  It is also imperative that the Prime Minister no longer delay meeting Teoh Beng Hock Trust for Democracy on their demands and make concrete commitments to hold the relevant perpetrators accountable.

We refer to the news report today that a farmer was charged for allegedly circulating WhatsApp messages surrounding the Forest City casino discussions. This is a witch hunt with the sole aim of cracking down on discourse that tarnishes the government’s reputation in the eyes of the public. Through such systematic targeting of members of the public, it could not be more blatant that the government has completely failed in upholding not only the fundamental right to freedom of expression, but also the supreme law of the land, the Federal Constitution, that enshrines this fundamental right. In the process of doing so, the state incites further self-censorship and fear among the greater populace, effectively curtailing public participation in nation-building. Whilst wasting police resources that are already limited, we also see streaks of authoritarian policing at play, whereby the police is deployed by the state to serve their interests instead of those of the public, via arbitrary application of draconian laws for which they could not be held accountable. Such systematic crackdown is unfortunately not new. In fact, this tactic was employed by the Perikatan Nasional administration to clamp down on public dissent – both the Sedition Act and Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act were used to investigate 14 activists for their plans to organise the #Lawan rally in 2021. Freedom of expression has thus regressed to levels seen during the pandemic. This is also highly concerning, as it can set the precedent for increasingly draconian measures by the state against the public in the name of ‘restoring order’ or ‘upholding truth’. We are a democratic nation, not an authoritarian regime. Stop this farcical crackdown immediately and we repeat, repeal the Sedition Act.

The arrest and remand of Badrul Hisham Shaharin are acts of repressive intimidation. It demonstrates that the unity government is no different from previous administrations in continuing to arbitrarily weaponise the Sedition Act against its dissenters, especially the political opposition. Even the commitment made in July last year by Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim to only limit use of the Sedition Act to criticisms involving the Rulers’ position has been reneged at least seven times to date, with investigations and charges on statements that are about the Pardons Board’s authorisation, Malaysia-Israeli relations, the judiciary, and also notably the unity government’s establishment and Anwar himself. Let us not forget that repealing the Sedition Act was also the promise made by the Pakatan Harapan coalition in their election manifesto – which was then broken. Prohibition of ‘insults’ to public figures because of their status fundamentally contradicts the principle that government should by right be subject to public scrutiny and criticism. This principle is also especially crucial in cases of unelected heads of state including monarchs, who cannot otherwise be held accountable by citizens. Thus, by continuing to enforce the Sedition Act, the government is also actively hindering Malaysia from progressing to not only become a true democracy, but also fully live up to transparency and accountability standards which many Malaysians have demanded for. The public will never be able to enjoy the basic right of having free, diverse and meaningful discourse on various issues of public interest as stipulated in Article 10 of the Federal Constitution, as long as criminalisation via the Sedition Act in the name of claiming ownership of truth remains the status quo. Repeal the Sedition Act.

2023 constituted a disconcerting picture of the state of human rights and reform in the country, marked simultaneously by positive strides and limited progress in key areas, as well as persistent violations of rights of vulnerable groups. Laws that violate the right to fair trial continue to be applied. SUARAM documented 3220 cases of arrests, detention and charges related to human trafficking under the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 (SOSMA). For the first time since its inception, SOSMA was used to arrest and detain drug syndicate members, which is concerning when existing laws such as the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952 are adequate. The protracted wait of at least two years by detainees in prison for trial persists, though this is cut short by a year for 23 detainees in the Geng 08 GST case. 1012 arrests were made under the Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act 1985 (DD(SPM)A) in 2023. Despite longstanding calls for amendments and repeal to SOSMA, progress on that front remains slow. Though the government is receptive to amending SOSMA, no explicit timeline is yet given. Tarrying further only results in continued violation of the fundamental right to fair trial, and most importantly, the fulfilment of social and economic rights of families of detainees. Whilst death in custody cases in 2023 may have reduced by 48% compared to the previous year, the issue of lacking data transparency persists. Access to justice for families of the deceased is also challenging and protracted. SUARAM noted six past DIC cases of which final court proceedings took place in 2023, with families pursuing justice for as long as 10 years. There is no commitment by the current administration to improve the Independent Police Conduct Commission Act 2022 (IPCC) - one of the pledges by the Pakatan Harapan coalition in its election manifesto in 2022. Significant regression was seen in freedom of expression. Key laws such as the Sedition Act 1948 and Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 continue to be enforced. More explicit measures such as warnings by members in government and the setup of an investigation task force were implemented to exert more restrictive control over discourse related to race, religion and royalty. Five bans were enacted under the Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984, comprising four books and the Swatch Pride watch. Raids on two bookstores were conducted, confiscating 10 books that were not on the banned book list. Threats to student autonomy in universities and artistic freedom remain palpable. Restrictions to exercise freedom of peaceful assembly persisted. Investigations against organisers and/or participants after, and in some cases, before public assemblies, persist. SUARAM documented the number of individuals investigated to be at least 91 this year. Tactics seen in previous years such as police barricade, arrest and detention of individuals and pre-rally warnings are still used in public assemblies organised by the political opposition or held in significant public spaces such as Parliament. SUARAM documents a case of state intimidation and reprisal, in which an activist was charged in court despite being the victim of use of force by an enforcement official during the protest. Amendments to the National Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM) Act were passed in 2023, marking a significant step forward in strengthening the NHRI. This is especially needed when the institution’s credibility was undermined by the former Chairperson’s allegations of racial discrimination in staff appointment and subsequent defamation suit filed against a whistleblower for lodging an internal complaint on the matter. One of the biggest milestones Malaysia achieved in 2023 is the passing of the Abolition of Mandatory Death Penalty Bill 2023 (DR7) and the Revision of Sentence of Death and Imprisonment for Natural Life (Temporary Jurisdiction of the Federal Court) Bill 2023. With the resentencing of death row inmates in progress, gaps such as inadequate time to gather relevant mitigation evidence and insufficient consideration given to mitigating circumstances such as the inmate’s mental health condition need to be swiftly addressed. On institutional reforms, there were commendable actions, namely the passing of the Public Finance and Fiscal Responsibility Act 2023, ongoing drafting of the Ombudsman Bill as well as empowerment of the Parliamentary Special Select Committees in function and resources. Nevertheless, other crucial reforms, such as separation of the offices of the Attorney-General and the Public Prosecutor, malapportionment, constituency development fund for the political opposition, political appointments in government-linked companies and the reinstatement of local government elections, remain pending. Discrimination and fear continued dominating the lives of vulnerable groups. The increased prevalence of investigations and raids on migrants overshadow positive preliminary efforts by the government to improve their welfare, such as the launch of forced labour guidelines. Realisation of the right to work for refugees and self-determination for the Orang Asli remain to be seen. Basic rights of LGBTIQ and gender-diverse people regressed in 2023, as evidenced by spikes in censorship of LGBTIQ expressions, introduction of anti-LGBT Syariah laws and expansion of conversion practices. Impingements of freedom of religion and belief of religious minorities persisted. Amendments to the Federal Constitution that will worsen statelessness were proposed. As the unity government trudges through its second year, it is crucial that it anchors all laws and policies to the Madani values that prioritise inclusivity, equal respect for all, and trust from transparency and accountability.

Tahun 2023 membentuk gambaran kurang menyenangkan bagi keadaan hak asasi manusia dan reformasi di negara ini, sekaligus menandakan kemajuan positif dan kemunduran dalam bidang-bidang utama, termasuklah pelanggaran hak secara berterusan terhadap kumpulan rentan. Undang-undang yang melanggar hak kepada perbicaraan yang adil terus digunakan. SUARAM mendokumenkan 3,220 kes penangkapan, penahanan dan pertuduhan berkaitan pemerdagangan manusia di bawah Akta Kesalahan Keselamatan (Langkah-Langkah Khas) 2012 (dikenali sebagai SOSMA). Buat pertama kali sejak penguatkuasaanya, SOSMA digunakan untuk menangkap dan menahan ahli sindiket dadah. Perkara ini merisaukan apabila undang-undang seperti Akta Dadah Berbahaya 1952 sememangnya tersedia. Inilah yang dihadapi 23 orang tahanan di dalam kes Geng 08 GST - penahanan berpanjangan sekurang-kurangnya dua tahun di penjara (dan kemudian dikurangkan kepada setahun). Tahun 2023 juga memperlihat 1,012 tangkapan telah dilakukan di bawah Akta Dadah Berbahaya (Langkah-langkah Pencegahan Khas) 1985 (DDA 85). Walaupun terdapat desakan yang berpanjangan untuk meminda SOSMA, namun tiada garis masa yang jelas diberikan. Penangguhan lebih lama akan menyebabkan pelanggaran hak asasi untuk perbicaraan yang adil. Tunjang kepada isu ini adalah penunaian hak sosial dan ekonomi keluarga tahanan. Walaupun kematian dalam kes tahanan (DIC) pada 2023 mungkin berkurangan sebanyak 48% berbanding tahun sebelumnya, isu kekurangan ketelusan data masih berterusan. Akses kepada keadilan untuk keluarga si mati juga amat mencabar dan kekal berlarutan. SUARAM mencatatkan enam kes DIC yang lama, di mana prosiding mahkamah terakhir telah berlangsung pada tahun lalu. Keluarga-keluarga yang menuntut keadilan ini telah berjuang selama 10 tahun. Namun, tiada komitmen dalam pentadbiran semasa untuk menambah baik Akta Suruhanjaya Bebas Tatakelakuan Polis 2022 (IPCC) - salah satu ikrar oleh gabungan Pakatan Harapan dalam manifesto pilihan raya pada 2022. Pemerosotan paling ketara dapat dilihat dalam kebebasan bersuara. Undang-undang utama seperti Akta Hasutan 1948 dan Seksyen 233 Akta Komunikasi dan Multimedia 1998 terus dikuatkuasakan. Langkah yang lebih eksplisit, misalnya amaran-amaran oleh ahli dalam kerajaan dan penubuhan pasukan siasatan khas diwujudkan bagi melaksanakan kawalan lebih ketat ke atas wacana berkaitan kaum, agama dan Raja-raja Melayu. Lima larangan telah digubal di bawah Akta Mesin Cetak dan Penerbitan 1984 - antaranya empat buku dan satu jam tangan jenama Swatch Pride. Serbuan ke atas dua kedai buku telah dijalankan dimana 10 buah buku yang tiada dalam senarai buku terlarang turut dirampas. Ancaman terhadap autonomi pelajar di universiti dan kebebasan artistik kekal ketara dikekang. Sekatan untuk kebebasan berhimpun secara aman masih berterusan. Siasatan terhadap penganjur dan/atau peserta selepas perhimpunan malah dalam sesetengah kes, sebelum perhimpunan berlangsung, turut berlanjutan. SUARAM mendokumenkan sebilangan individu yang disiasat sekurang-kurangnya 91 orang bagi tahun ini. Antara taktik yang dilihat kerap digunakan beberapa tahun kebelakangan ini adalah penghadang polis, penangkapan dan penahanan individu-individu. Ini termasuklah amaran yang dikeluarkan sebelum perhimpunan sama ada anjuran pembangkang politik atau himpunan di ruang awam yang penting seperti Parlimen. SUARAM turut mendokumenkan kes ugutan dan tindakan balas. Seorang aktivis didakwa di mahkamah walaupun menjadi mangsa penggunaan kekerasan oleh pegawai penguatkuasa semasa protes. Pindaan Akta Suruhanjaya Hak Asasi Manusia Malaysia (SUHAKAM) telah diluluskan pada tahun 2023 menandakan satu langkah penting ke hadapan dalam memperkukuhkan institusi berkenaan. Ia amat diperlukan apabila kredibiliti institusi tersebut terjejas berikutan dakwaan mantan Pengerusi SUHAKAM mengenai diskriminasi kaum dalam pelantikan kakitangan. Susulan peristiwa berkenaan, saman fitnah difailkan terhadap pemberi maklumat berkenaan kerana membuat aduan dalaman mengenai perihal itu. Salah satu pencapaian terbesar yang dicapai Malaysia pada tahun lalu adalah kelulusan RUU Pemansuhan Hukuman Mati Mandatori 2023 dan RUU Semakan Hukuman Mati dan Pemenjaraan Sepanjang Hayat (Bidang Kuasa Sementara Mahkamah Persekutuan) 2023. Kini, proses penghukuman semula banduan akhir sedang rancak dilakukan. Walau bagaimanapun, timbul jurang semasa rayuan mitigasi, antaranya ketidakcukupan masa dalam mengumpul bahan bukti yang relevan serta kurang pertimbangan diberikan kepada masalah kesihatan mental banduan yang perlu ditangani dengan segera. Mengenai reformasi institusi, terdapat beberapa tindakan yang boleh dipuji. Antaranya adalah kelulusan Akta Kewangan Awam dan Tanggungjawab Fiskal (FRA) 2023, penggubalan RUU Ombudsman yang masih berjalan serta pemberdayaan fungsi dan sumber bagi Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas Parlimen. Namun begitu, reformasi lain yang turut penting seperti pengasingan pejabat Peguam Negara dan Pendakwa Raya, salah pembahagian (malapportionment), dana pembangunan kawasan pilihan raya untuk pembangkang, lantikan politik dalam syarikat berkaitan kerajaan dan pengembalian semula pilihan raya kerajaan tempatan masih belum selesai. Diskriminasi dan ketakutan terus menguasai kehidupan kumpulan minoriti yang terpinggir. Peningkatan siasatan dan kekerapan serbuan ke atas migran mengaburi usaha awal yang positif oleh kerajaan untuk menambah baik kebajikan mereka iaitu pelancaran garis panduan buruh paksa. Kesedaran hak untuk bekerja bagi pelarian dan penentuan diri (self-determination) bagi Orang Asli masih belum dapat dilihat. Hak asasi golongan LGBTIQ dan orang pelbagai jantina semakin mundur pada tahun 2023. Buktinya dapat dilihat apabila ada peningkatan dalam penapisan ekspresi LGBTIQ, pengenalan undang-undang syariah anti-LGBT dan pengembangan amalan pemulihan (conversion therapy practices). Perlanggaran hak kepada kebebasan beragama dan kepercayaan bagi agama minoriti berterusan berlaku. Pindaan kepada Perlembagaan Persekutuan yang dicadangkan juga akan memburukkan lagi masalah tanpa kewarganegaraan. Ketika kerajaan perpaduan bergerak memasuki tahun kedua, adalah penting untuk menambat semua undang-undang dan dasar kepada nilai-nilai Madani yang mengutamakan keterangkuman, penghormatan yang sama untuk semua dan kepercayaan daripada ketelusan dan akauntabiliti.