Search Results

Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) telah melancarkan satu kajian berkaitan ‘Kesan Sosioekonomi Akibat Daripada Penahanan Akta Kesalahan Keselamatan (Langkah-Langkah Khas) (SOSMA) Di Malaysia’ bertempat di Dewan Perhimpunan Cina Kuala Lumpur & Selangor. Hasil kajian adalah berdasarkan temubual bersama bekas tahanan SOSMA dan ahli keluarga kepada tahanan semasa, serta sesi ‘townhall’ yang dihadiri oleh 120 individu dan keluarga yang terkesan terus oleh SOSMA. SOSMA diperkenalkan pada tahun 2012 sebagai gantian kepada Akta Keselamatan Dalam Negeri (ISA) dan Ordinan Darurat (Ketenteraman Awam dan Mencegah Jenayah) (EO). Ia membolehkan penahanan selama 28 hari tanpa mahkamah dan sekatan akses kepada peguam selama 48 jam pertama dan isu ikat jamin. Ini telah menimbulkan keprihatinan yang serius berkaitan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dan perlindungan terhadap tahanan. Sebelum ini terdapat banyak penyelidikan mengenai aspek undang-undang dan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia SOSMA, justeru kajian ini akan lebih memberi tumpuan kepada kesan sosioekonomi terhadap individu yang ditahan, serta impak kepada keluarga mereka termasuk kanak-kanak. Hal ini kerana, individu dan mereka yang terjejas oleh SOSMA seringkali berdepan dengan cabaran ekonomi yang serius, termasuk kehilangan pendapatan, beban kewangan, dan tekanan emosi. Kajian ini mendapati bahawa kebanyakan individu yang ditahan di bawah SOSMA mengalami penurunan drastik dalam pendapatan mereka, di mana rata-rata kehilangan pekerjaan semasa ditahan dan sukar untuk kembali ke pekerjaan asal selepas dibebaskan. Ini bukan sahaja memberi kesan kepada mereka yang rata-rata berada dalam golongan B40, tetapi juga kepada keluarga mereka yang terpaksa menanggung beban kewangan tambahan, termasuk kos lawatan ke pusat tahanan yang mencecah RM1,000 sebulan dan yuran guaman yang boleh mencecah puluhan ribu hingga ratusan ribu ringgit yang pastinya merumitkan lagi keadaan kewangan mereka. Penahanan SOSMA juga menyebabkan ketidakstabilan dalam kehidupan keluarga dan dapat membawa kepada pecah belah keluarga serta hubungan yang tegang antara pasangan dan anak-anak. Ini juga menjejaskan kanak-kanak secara emosi dan mempengaruhi pendidikan mereka. Majoriti kanak-kanak mengalami tekanan dan ketidakstabilan emosi akibat penahanan tahanan. Mereka turut menunjukkan gejala seperti keengganan untuk pergi sekolah, masalah tidur, dan kesusahan emosi. Kesannya turut terpalit dalam pendidikan di mana ramai antara mereka sering mengalami kesulitan dalam pembelajaran, ketidakhadiran sekolah, dan kebimbangan akibat persepsi negatif daripada rakan-rakan sebaya yang jelas mengganggu perkembangan pendidikan dan psikososial kanak-kanak. Antara cadangan yang diusulkan termasuk pindaan SOSMA terutamanya dalam peruntukan undang-undang yang berkaitan dengan isu ikat jamin, reman 28 hari dan akses kepada peguam pada 48 jam pertama. Cadangan-cadangan lain seperti mempercepat proses mahkamah, dan menyediakan sokongan kepada tahanan dan keluarga mereka. Cadangan lain termasuk program pendidikan dan latihan kemahiran untuk tahanan, bantuan kewangan, dan sokongan pemulihan selepas pembebasan agar mereka dapat menjalani hidup dan berintergrasi bersama masyarakat seperti sedia kala. Antara pandangan majoriti lain adalah adanya keperluan kepada sokongan yang lebih besar kepada ibu tunggal yang terjejas oleh SOSMA kerana rata-rata beban yang ditanggung oleh tahanan sebelum ini, kebanyakannya digalas oleh para isteri dan ibu tunggal. Hasil dari kajian ini menemukan bahawa SOSMA bukan hanya tentang hukuman individu yang ditahan, tetapi juga memberi hukuman dan kesan yang lebih besar pada kehidupan sosial, ekonomi, dan psikologi tahanan, bekas tahanan, bekas banduan, serta keluarga dan masyarakat sekitar. Kajian ini diharapkan menjadi seruan untuk pembuat dasar dan pihak berkepentingan lain untuk menilai semula implikasi SOSMA serta mempertimbangkan pendekatan yang lebih berperikemanusiaan dengan menjamin hak asasi manusia, serta hak ekonomi, sosial, dan budaya.

The appellate court’s order to Wan Ji Wan Hussin to serve his nine-month prison sentence yesterday is an abomination. Prior to Wan Ji’s case, sedition cases convicted at the High Court or Court of Appeal only involved fines. With the Sedition Act still in place with its ambiguous provisions and disproportionately heavy penalties, Wan Ji’s jail sentence sets a chilling precedent for further unwarranted criminalisation of freedom of expression in Malaysia. This observation can come full circle if this government continues failing to institute the necessary legislative reforms to uphold freedom of expression. In 2018, the Attorney-General’s Chambers (AGC) under the Pakatan Harapan administration not only decided to resume prosecuting Wan Ji under the Sedition Act, but also appealed for a stiffer jail sentence of 1 year. Fast forwarding 5 years later, this appeal was not withdrawn and instead, allowed to continue. Both instances contravened the manifesto promise to abolish the draconian law. It is also noteworthy that some lawmakers from the Pakatan Harapan coalition, namely the current Prime Minister and Minister of Communications and Digital, respectively acknowledged the severity of Wan Ji’s jail sentence and stood in solidarity with him in 2019. Ironically, pin-drop silence is what we see now. Freedom of expression is not some fashionable privilege of the day to be championed when in opposition and withdrawn when in power. “Hurt(ing) other people’s feelings”, and in this case public figures, is not a sufficient basis for criminalisation of freedoms of opinion and expression. By continuing to enforce the Sedition Act, the government will continue to betray the spirit of democracy – by sanctioning self-censorship, stifling crucial debates on matter of public interest, and victimising individuals who tend to speak out such as human rights defenders and political dissidents. As long as the Sedition Act remains enforced, it will continue to be used and misused, with no possibility of fully exercising freedom of expression in sight. The Sedition Act must go. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) stands in solidarity with Wan Ji and strongly condemns the jail sentence that he has received. We demand the government to demonstrate its commitment to uphold freedom of expression by implementing the following: A plan to repeal the Sedition Act with a clear timeline, and pending its repeal to enforce a moratorium on all cases. Drop all charges under the Sedition Act, with immediate release of those detained.

Hanya dalam masa dua hari, pihak polis telah cuba menyekat hak perlembagaan rakyat untuk berhimpun secara aman. Merujuk kepada amaran yang dikeluarkan semalam mengenai tindakan tegas yang akan diambil oleh pentadbiran kerajaan terhadap penganjur dan peserta perhimpunan ‘Selamatkan Malaysia’ yang akan berlangsung pada 16 September, serta tindakan polis yang menghalang penganjur dan peserta perhimpunan ‘Lawan Lapar’ daripada berarak ke Parlimen untuk menyerahkan memorandum mengenai keterjaminan makanan kepada ahli Parlimen dengan menggunakan penghadang polis perlapis di Plaza Tugu Negara. Justeru, kami pihak SUARAM mengecam sekeras-kerasnya kedua-dua perbuatan tersebut. Bahawasanya, amaran sebelum perhimpunan ini adalah taktik lama oleh pentadbiran kerajaan terdahulu untuk menyekat perhimpunan awam yang dianggap ‘sangat sensitif’, walaupun tiada penanda bahwa perhimpunan tersebut adalah tidak aman. Penghadang polis berlapis yang digunakan untuk menghalang perhimpunan semalam adalah sama seperti rantaian anggota polis sewaktu perhimpunan ‘Walk for Judicial Independence’ yang diadakan pada tahun lepas. Di samping itu, terdapat juga syarat-syarat dikenakan oleh pihak polis yang menyalahi undang-undang dalam kedua-dua perhimpunan iaitu pertama sewaktu perhimpunan Lawan Lapar polis telah meletakkan syarat penyerahan memorandum di kawasan ‘tapak berhalang’. Kedua, syarat kuota dimana hanya wakil sahaja yang dibenarkan untuk masuk ke Parlimen sewaktu perhimpunan ‘Walk for Judicial Independence’. Sebagai pimpinan yang mengisytiharkan diri sebagai ‘reformis’, kerajaan sepatutnya tidak melakukan intimidasi yang menggugat hak berhimpun secara aman. Terutamanya apabila ramai ahli politik yang sebelum ini semasa menjadi pembangkang juga mengalami halangan-halangan sama sewaktu menganjurkan atau mengambil bahagian dalam perhimpunan awam. Sehubungan dengan komitmen yang telah diberikan oleh Perikatan Nasional untuk bekerjasama, adalah penting bahawa pihak polis bukan sahaja membenarkan berhimpun tetapi harus memudahkan kelancaran perhimpunan pada 16 September nanti. Terakhir, kerajaan juga harus mengambil langkah jelas, seperti meminda atau memansuhkan Akta Perhimpunan Aman 2012 supaya setiap Rakyat boleh melaksanakan hak mereka untuk berhimpun secara aman dengan sepenuhnya.

In just two days, the police attempted to curtail the public’s constitutional right to peacefully assemble. We refer to the pre-rally warnings issued yesterday of stern action against organiser and participants of Perikatan Nasional’s upcoming ‘Selamatkan Malaysia’ 16 September rally, as well as the layered police barricade at Plaza Tugu Negara this morning preventing organisers and protesters of Lawan Lapar from marching to Parliament to submit their memorandum on food security to lawmakers. We strongly condemn these acts. The pre-rally warnings are an age-old tactic by previous government administrations to clamp down on ‘highly sensitive’ public assemblies, even when there is and was no indication that these assemblies were non-peaceful. The layered police barricade this morning is eerily similar to the human chains of police officers during the Walk for Judicial Independence last year. The imposition of unlawful conditions by the police was also seen in both public assemblies, with the Lawan Lapar assembly involving the submission of the memorandum at the barricaded site, and the Walk for Judiciary Independence involving a quota of representatives who would be allowed to go to Parliament. As self-proclaimed ‘reformists’, the current government should know better than to perpetuate State intimidation to curtail the right to peaceful assembly, especially when many of its members experienced this practice first-hand due to organising or participating in public assemblies whilst in opposition. It is crucial that the police not only allow but also facilitate the 16 September rally, when Perikatan Nasional has committed to cooperation with the law enforcement agency on the event. Furthermore, the government must take concrete steps, including amending or repealing the Peaceful Assembly Act 2012, towards ensuring that the Rakyat can fully exercise their fundamental freedom of peaceful assembly without discrimination.

HENTIKAN SEGALA BENTUK UGUTAN, INTIMIDASI DAN KEGANASAN TERHADAP PEMBELA HAK ASASI MANUSIA Kami, organisasi-organisasi masyarakat sivil yang bertandatangan di bawah, bersolidariti bersama peguam dan aktivis hak asasi manusia Siti Kasim dan menyeru agar pihak Polis Diraja Malaysia (PDRM) memberi perlindungan keselamatan beliau. Kami mengecam sekeraskerasnya terhadap pihak yang memasang bom jenis Improvised Explosive Device (IED) di bawah kereta Siti Kasim. Siti Kasim merupakan seorang peguam dan pembela hak orang asli yang peka, proaktif dan lantang bersuara tentang pelbagai isu hak asasi manusia, integriti institusi, demokrasi dan hal ehwal berkenaan dengan politik. Namun, pemikiran kritis dan pendirian progresif Siti Kasim sering diancam dengan kritikan serta ugutan yang ingin mengancam nyawanya, dimana pada 21 Julai lalu, pihak PDRM telah mengesahkan bahawa bom jenis IED dipasang di bawah keretanya. Sejak kebelakangan ini, ugutan dan keganasan terhadap aktivis semakin berleluasa. Kes-kes seperti hilang secara paksa (enforced disappearance)[1], cat dan asid disimbah ke kereta pengarah dan pelakon Mentega Terbang[2], hantaran bangkai haiwan berdarah kepada wartawan bebas, hantaran replika tangan berlumuran darah kepada aktivis Persatuan Aktivis Sahabat Alam (KUASA)[3], aktivis Universiti Malaya diugut oleh samseng[4] - merupakan satu trend yang amat membimbangkan. Insiden-insiden ini amat membimbangkan dari pelbagai sudut. Ia melibatkan keselamatan orang awam, aktivis dan juga pihak-pihak lain yang ingin menyuarakan pendapat. Seolah-olah apabila tidak bersependapat perlu digertak dengan kekerasan. Jika keganasan ini tidak ditangani oleh pihak berkuasa secara tegas, bukan sahaja keamanan dan keselamatan awam, tetapi juga kedaulatan undang-undang dan demokrasi tanah air akan tergugat. Kementerian Dalam Negeri harus cakna terhadap trend ini dan bekerjasama dengan masyarakat sivil dan Suruhanjaya Hak Asasi Manusia (SUHAKAM) bagi mencari satu penyelesaian untuk menjamin keselamatan dan kebebasan bersuara rakyat serta untuk mengelakkan daripada trend sebegini merebak dan menjadi satu norma. Sehubungan itu, dalam jangka masa terdekat, kami menggesa agar pihak PDRM menjalankan siasatan yang telus dengan segera dan mengambil tindakan sewajarnya termasuk menghadapkan pelaku ke muka pengadilan memandangkan kes ini melibatkan kepentingan awam. Selain itu, langkah terbaik bagi jangka masa panjang, pihak kerajaan perlu mengiktiraf dan mengesahkan peranan pembela hak asasi manusia sebagai individu atau kumpulan yang bertindak untuk mempromosikan hak asasi manusia dan kebebasan asasi melalui kaedah aman. Langkah ini penting kerana dapat memberikan pengiktirafan dan apabila diperlukan, perlindungan yang secukupnya kepada pembela hak asasi manusia. Di dalam sesebuah negara yang demokratik, kita patut meraikan kepelbagaian dan perbezaan. Libatkan diri dalam dialog, wacana dan debat terbuka jikalau tidak setuju dengan pandangan, dan bukannya menggunakan keganasan untuk menggertak seseorang. Kami ingin menegaskan bahawa tiada sesiapa termasuk aktivis patut menerima ugutan, intimidasi serta sebarang bentuk keganasan oleh kerana beliau menggunakan hak dan kebebasan bersuara yang termaktub di bawah Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Akhir sekali, kami secara tegasnya mengecam segala bentuk intimidasi dan keganasan terhadap aktivis hak asasi manusia. Kami akan terus bersolidariti bersama Siti Kasim dan menyeru pihak kerajaan agar mengambil serius kes ini, menyiasat dan memberi perlindungan keselamatan Siti Kasim dengan segera. Seluruh masyarakat harus mengambil kisah dan mengorak langkah bersama-sama bagi mencegah keganasan dan intimidasi terhadap ndividu dan kolektif yang menyuarakan pendapat yang berlainan. Disokong oleh: 1. Suara Rakyat Malaysia - SUARAM 2. Teoh Beng Hock Trust for Democracy 3. Citizens Against Enforced Disappearances - CAGED 4. Centre for Independent Journalism 5. Society for the Promotion of Human Rights (PROHAM) 6. Justice for Sisters 7. Amnesty International Malaysia 8. Pusat KOMAS 9. Jaring Kampung Orang Asli Semenanjung Malaysia 10. Jaringan Perkampungan Orang Asli Johor 11. Persatuan Semoq Beri Kampung Tompesel 12. Persatuan Orang Asli Jakun Rompin Pahang 13. KLSCAH Youth 14. Undi 18 15. Greenpeace Malaysia 16. ARTICLE 19 17. Gabungan Marhaen 18. Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) 19. Persatuan Komuniti Prihatin Selangor, KL & Perak 20. Baramkini 21. Women Development Organisation Malaysia PJ Branch 22. University of Malaya Association of New Youth (UMANY) 23. KRYSS Network 24. Freedom Film Network (FFN) 25. Jaringan Kampung Orang Asli Kelantan - JKOAK 26. EDICT (Eliminating Deaths and Abuse in Custody Together) 27. UTAR Student Representative Council (Kampar) 28. KLSCAH Civil Rights Committee 29. Student Progressive Front UUM (SPFUUM) 30. Suara Siswa UUM 31. Tunku Abdul Rahman Association of New Youth (TARANY) 32. CIVICUS 33. Persatuan Pendidikan dan Kesedaran 3R Kuala Lumpur 34. Architect of Diversity (AOD Malaysia) 35. Sister in Islam (SIS) 36. Save Malaysia Stop Lynas 37. Apa Kata Wanita Orang Asli 38. Pertubuhan Serikat Rakyat Malaysia 39. PACOS Trust 40. Terabai Kenyalang Heritage Association of Sarawak 41. ALIRAN 42. Advancing Knowledge in Democracy and Law initiative 43. Pertubuhan Suara Anak Sabah 44. Persatuan Impian Sabah 45. ERA Consumer Malaysia 46. Borneo Komrad 47. Tiada.Guru 48. Sabah Human Rights Centre 49. Engage Network 50. DHRRA Malaysia 51. Cahaya Society 52.Pergerakan Tenaga Akademik Malaysia (GERAK) 53. All Women's Action Society (AWAM) 54. Lawyer Kamek, Sarawak 55. Jaringan Orang Asal SeMalaysia [1] Suhakam concludes activist, pastor victims of enforced disappearance | Malay Mail [2] Pengarah Mentega Terbang terima ugutan bunuh, kereta disimbah cat dan asid (hmetro.com.my) [3] Malaysiakini [4] Malaysiakini

Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) mengambil serius mengenai dakwaan terhadap warden-warden di penjara utara Semanjung Malaysia yang memberi layanan buruk dan mendera banduan. Berdasarkan laporan media Free Malaysia Today, banduan-banduan telah dipukul dan diseksa menggunakan paip polivinil klorida (PVC) dan objek tumpul, dinafikan akses kepada bekalan air yang mencukupi dan makanan yang bersih dan selamat, tidak diberikan rawatan rapi dan profesional, serta dibogelkan untuk mengaib dan menghina seseorang. Ketika Suruhanjaya Hak Asasi Manusia (SUHAKAM) melawat ke penjara, warden-warden pula menyimpan alat-alat yang digunakan untuk penderaan. Dakwaan-dakwaan ini telah melanggar peruntukan-peruntukan dalam Kaedah-kaedah Lokap 1953 dan Akta Penjara. Ia bukan sahaja mencabar integriti Jabatan Penjara, malah mencemarkan nama baik Malaysia sebagai Ahli Majlis Hak Asasi Manusia Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB) di peringkat antarabangsa. SUARAM mengecam sekeras-kerasnya terhadap sebarang bentuk penyeksaan. SUARAM menggesa Menteri Dalam Negeri menjalankan siasatan secara telus dan segera serta mengambil tindakan disiplin yang setimpalnya terhadap si pelaku bagi mengelakkan tragedi-tragedi berlaku. Mangsa-mangsa penderaan ini pernah membuat aduan pada tahun lepas namun aduan mereka tidak dilayan. Ini merupakan cubaan kedua dimana 125 orang banduan menandatangani petisyen dan meminta pihak kerajaan mencampur tangan dan mengambil tindakan. SUARAM bimbang bahawa bilangan mangsa adalah jauh lebih tinggi. Hal ini kerana pegawai berkenaan selalu bebas daripada sebarang hukuman. Berdasarkan dokumentasi SUARAM, hanya lima pendakwaan jenayah terhadap penderaan dalam tahanan di antara tahun 1981 hingga 2021, manakala pendakwaan untuk penyeksaan bagi mangsa yang masih hidup jarang berlaku, dengan hanya satu kes sedemikian direkodkan. Oleh hal yang demikian, SUARAM menyeru agar kerajaan semak semula undang-undang berkenaan malah memperkasa sistem semak dan imbang yang sedia ada. Sebagai contoh, SUHAKAM harus diberikan kuasa membuat lawatan kejutan ke penjara bagi mendapatkan gambaran yang sebenar berkaitan dengan tahanan. Ia juga mengelakkan sebarang notis awal yang memberi peluang kepada pelaku, untuk merosakkan bukti dan tempat kejadian. Peranan Hakim Pelawat juga perlu diperkukuhkan bagi membanteras segala layanan zalim terhadap banduan. Kerajaan juga harus mengubal satu Akta Anti-penyeksaan bagi menjenayahkan sebarang bentuk penyeksaan. Akhir sekali, SUARAM menggesa Malaysia untuk menyertai Konvensyen Menentang Penyeksaan Dan Layanan Atau Hukuman Lain Yang Zalim, Tidak Berperikemanusiaan Atau Menjatuhkan Maruah (UNCAT). Penyertaan Malaysia kepada UNCAT akan membantu negara untuk membangunkan langkah perundangan, pentadbiran, kehakiman dan dasar yang berkesan bagi melarang dan mencegah tindakan penyeksaan dan penderaan.

20th June 2023 — We refer to the National Human Rights Institution’s (SUHAKAM) statement on 16 June 2023, issued in response to Suara Rakyat Malaysia’s (SUARAM) press conference, exposing the civil defamation suit filed by the Chairperson against his staff member the Deputy Secretary. SUARAM welcomes the Chairperson’s decision to withdraw the defamation suit and looks forward to seeing this decision immediately implemented. Whilst we also acknowledge the commitment to conduct an “independent and impartial internal investigation” by an independent body, SUHAKAM must ensure that the independent body must be external to SUHAKAM and have no vested interests with the institution or parties concerned in the defamation suit to ensure objectivity and fairness of investigations. SUHAKAM’s “limited authority in investigating complaints against its own commissioners” is a classic case of “our hands are tied, but we’ll do what we can”. This begs important questions: are current internal complaint mechanisms for all members of SUHAKAM fair, efficient, transparent, confidential and include provisions that protect staff from retaliation? The statement also implies that the Chairperson will continue to enact his duties whilst the investigation is conducted. The defamation suit as a response to an internal complaint sent a chilling message – “toe the line, else you will pay dearly if you dissent”. Even after the suit is withdrawn, as long as the Chairperson remains in office, both actual and perceived risks of investigation processes being compromised will remain palpable. On that note, we thus: renew our calls to the Chairperson to take garden leave from his duties pending the external investigation outcome, and; • urge SUHAKAM to make transparent the external independent body that will be investigating allegations made by the Deputy Secretary against the Chairperson, with full disclosure of organisational interests. As a national human rights institution that is also the guiding force behind the nation’s National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights, SUHAKAM must demonstrate that accountability and transparency should not be half-baked endeavours.

PLACES INSTITUTION’S HUMAN RIGHTS MANDATE IN JEOPARDY 16th June 2023 — We, the undersigned civil society organisations and political parties, are alarmed by the defamation suit filed by the Chairperson of SUHAKAM - Prof. Dato’ Dr. Rahmat Bin Mohamad - against the Deputy Secretary of SUHAKAM – Shahizad bin Sulaiman – after the latter filed a formal complaint in SUHAKAM against the former on allegations of racial discrimination and abuse of power in a new staff appointment. The formal complaint was lodged by Shahizad on 10 April 2023 under Section 12(1) of the SUHAKAM Act. We have been duly informed that the legal suit filed by Prof Dato’ Dr. Rahmat on 24 May 2023 (WA-23NCvC-28-04/2023) constitutes an alleged attempt to circumvent internal investigations on the complaint, in light of Section 12(2) of the SUHAKAM Act that prohibits the national human rights institution (NHRI) from, or in the case when investigations commence, to cease inquiring into “any complaint relating to any allegation of the infringement of human rights is the subject matter of any proceedings pending in any court, including any appeals; or has been finally determined by any court”. The use of external legal mechanisms by the higher leadership in response to an internally-filed complaint by a staff member which by default should have been resolved within the institution implies reprehensible power play. The Chairperson already had at his disposal the opportunity to undergo the internal processes in his attempt to obtain redress and due justice. Thus, this act of filing a civil defamation suit by the Chairperson may be further construed as Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (SLAPP), an act that is highly likely to have been deliberately initiated with the intent to intimidate, drain financial resources, and/or inflict psychological and emotional stress against the initial complainant. The Chairperson’s act, if not censured, can impose a climate of fear and deter whistleblowers who may have legitimate complaints from coming forward, thus potentially compromising institutional transparency, accountability and integrity - undesirable consequences which can only undermine the credibility and effective functioning of SUHAKAM. The two allegations concerning the Chairperson of SUHAKAM are also of grave concern, as they can put the NHRI’s human rights mandate at risk. The allegation pertaining to racial discrimination is especially of prominent concern on two fronts. Firstly, it risks contravening corresponding provisions of non-discrimination including on the basis of race in the Federal Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, both of which form the cornerstones of SUHAKAM’s human rights mandate. It is also noteworthy that this allegation may also breach SUHAKAM’s commitment to addressing racial discrimination as explicitly outlined in its 2021-2025 strategic plan. Secondly, the racial discrimination allegation can jeopardise SUHAKAM’s A-status as a NHRI with which it was accredited in 2021, by violating the principle of plurality in composition of the institution as set out in the Paris Principles. As the bastion of human rights in the country that plays a pivotal role in promoting and mainstreaming human rights implementation and monitoring, it is crucial that SUHAKAM upholds its fundamental principles of non-discrimination, inclusivity, transparency and accountability for all sectors including its own staff. As such, as it now becomes a matter of public interest, we strongly call upon: SUHAKAM to disclose updates and measures undertaken to investigate the formal complaint filed on 10 April 2023 by the Deputy Secretary of SUHAKAM; SUHAKAM to set up an independent task force, comprising external stakeholders, that can fairly and independently investigate the aforementioned allegations against and retaliatory measures initiated by the Chairperson, and; the Chairperson, relatedly, to take leave from his duties pending the outcome of the investigation. Endorsed by: 1. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) 2. ALIRAN 3. All Women’s Action Society (AWAM) 4. Citizens Against Enforced Disappearances (CAGED) 5. Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ) 6. Justice for Sisters (JFS) 7. Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) 8. Sisters in Islam (SIS) 9. Student Progressive Front UUM (SPFUUM) 10. Suara Siswa UUM 11. Tunku Abdul Rahman Association of New Youth (TARANY) 12. Teoh Beng Hock Trust for Democracy 13. UNDI18 14. University of Malaya Association of New Youth (UMANY) 15. Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman Kampar Student Representative Council 22/23 16. Voice Of Youtharian 优大青年之声

2022 was a mix of ‘stability’ and uncertainty. Aside from inflation as well as food and financial insecurity post-pandemic, the risk of displacement or losses of livelihoods was also persistent for many due to intermittent floods. By October 2022, the transitional state of political ‘stability’ quickly slid into the dissolution of Parliament, paving the way for snap polls in November 2022. The 15th General Election (GE) and their results were anything but predictable, keeping many Malaysians at the edge of their seats - from multi-cornered fights across multiple constituent seats among an unprecedented number of candidates, a hung Parliament, to the tussles over government formation prior to the ‘coalition of coalitions’ arrangement that now makes up the unity government. Application and abuse of laws that violate the right to fair trial, specifically the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 (SOSMA), the Prevention of Crime Act 1960 (POCA), the Prevention of Terrorism Act 2015 (POTA) and the Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act 1985, (DDA85) persist. Arrests under SOSMA and POCA remained significantly higher than those under POTA. Arrests for DDA85 were largely made in the context of the nationwide Ops Tapis Khas (Special Screening Op) 1 to 7 anti-narcotics operation by the Royal Malaysian Police (PDRM). The operation was systematically implemented through raids that each lasted a few days in identified hot spots. The political will to abolish the elements of detention without trial of SOSMA, POCA and POTA remained lacking. This was especially the case for SOSMA, whereby Section 4(5) of SOSMA was extended by another five years till 2027. In the Right to Justice landscape, one significant development was the long-overdue passing of the Independent Police Conduct Commission (IPCC) Act in Parliament. This Act lacks disciplinary powers to compel action against police personnel with misconduct, making it a toothless tiger in upholding police accountability. On another note, deaths in custody remains a prickling issue. Whilst the Criminal Investigation Unit on Deaths in Custody (USJKT) swiftly released press statements to inform the public about cases of death in custody, no information related to the investigation process and outcome of cases was provided. Little to no progress was also observed in rectifying longstanding gaps of case underreporting and systemic issues such as unstandardised or poorly implemented health screening procedures. Police failure is also highlighted in documented enforced disappearances such as the Malaysian-Indonesian couple Joshua Hilmy and Ruth Sitepu, warranting reforms such as improving the standard operating procedures relating to investigations of missing persons as well as enhancing police personnel’s forensic investigation capabilities - which are comprehensively explored in Feature 2 of this report. Use of laws that curtail freedom of expression, especially the Sedition Act 1948 and Section 233 of the Communication and Multimedia Act 1998, continued. The number of investigations and arrests under these two legislations reduced compared to 2021. Whilst bans were imposed on selected films, there were none imposed on publications under the Printing Presses Publications Act 1984 within the year. The freedom to assemble continued to be exercised regularly by activists, and in some cases, politicians. Efforts to limit protest space were exercised by the police in public assemblies involving issues that were ‘more sensitive’. The passing of the constitutional amendment to prevent party defection among elected members of Parliament was another very significant milestone in 2022, albeit with loopholes such as non-applicability to coalition hopping. Nevertheless, more remains to be done in addressing key issues that impede the achievement of truly free and fair elections such as malapportionment and weak enforcement of election rules. In 2022, the independence of the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM) was called into question, due to the yet-to-be-submitted 2020 and 2021 annual reports to Parliament as well as the controversial appointments of the new chairperson and SUHAKAM Commissioners. Developments surrounding the rights, wellbeing and welfare of women, the LGBTQ+ community, as well as migrants and refugees are covered in this report. There were positive developments such as the passing of the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act 2022 and gender-responsive budgeting efforts. Progress was limited or slow in other areas such as child marriage and women political participation. Criminalisation, stereotyping and violence were still heavily used by state and non-state actors to marginalise, exclude and discriminate against the LGBTQ+ community. Malaysia’s treatment of migrants and refugees continues to toe the line between tacit acceptance, neglect, outright hostility and xenophobia. Immigration raids and human rights abuses against migrant communities persisted, with no political will to accede to key conventions that recognise the status of refugees. Promising strides were made by the government to abolish mandatory death penalty, leading to the first tabling of seven Bills in early October 2022, prior to the dissolution of Parliament. Discretionary death penalty will still, however, most likely be retained. Even then, Malaysia is still more progressive than Singapore, where the death penalty remains a core pillar of its criminal punishment regime and drug policy. The city-state resumed its executions after a two-year pause, and among them the harrowing case of intellectually disabled Malaysian man Nagaenthran Dharmalingam who was on death row in Singapore since 2010. The status of climate emergency in Malaysia is comprehensively explored in SUARAM’s Annual Human Rights Report, recognising the universal human right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment. Whilst our nation has begun undertaking an energy transition through use or exploration of sources such as large hydro and carbon capture and storage, energy security is prioritised at the expense of adverse environmental harm and increased vulnerability of local communities especially the Indigenous communities to negative effects of climate change.

Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) wishes to draw attention, particularly that of the Prime Minister, YAB Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim, to the case of a young Malaysian national, Hemakavin a/l Karthigesu, who is currently imprisoned in Cambodia. Hemakavin, who was 19 years old at the time of his arrest, was a victim of a drug syndicate. This incident took place in 2016, when Hemakavin was offered free flight tickets to Cambodia for a holiday by his girlfriend. He was told that her sister and her boyfriend would also be joining them. On the day of departure, Hemakavin was informed by his girlfriend that he would have to leave for Cambodia on his own first, due to technical issues with their tickets. She promised, however, that they would meet him there later. Upon arriving in Cambodia, Hemakavin was contacted by a stranger who introduced himself as his girlfriend’s friend. Hemakavin was asked to go to a hotel room on his own to rest first and help check if his girlfriend’s belongings were in the room. As soon as Hemakavin entered the hotel room, he was arrested and handcuffed by the Cambodian anti-narcotics police officers. Hemakavin and another Malaysian national were charged with drug trafficking. The Cambodian police officers instructed Hemakavin to hold a metal box for a photo of him to be taken. He was then accused and tried in court, with his fingerprint on the metal box presented as court evidence. Based on this evidence, Hemakavin was found guilty and sentenced to 25 years in prison and a fine of 40 million riel (approximately RM45,000). Hemakavin’s appeal at the Cambodian Court of Appeal was also dismissed. Hemakavin’s family members have taken various measures to help him, including: a. Lodging a police report; b. Lodging complaints to two agencies, namely the Enforcement Agency Integrity Commission (EAIC) and the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM), regarding the exploitation of young people as drug mules by the drug syndicate; c. Seeking the help of Members of Parliament to raise this issue in the Dewan Rakyat; d. Seeking the assistance of the Malaysian Attorney-General's Chambers to contact the Cambodian Attorney General for a review of Hemakavin's case due to miscarriage of justice; e. Seeking government assistance, particularly from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, appeal for clemency on behalf of Hemakavin via bilateral diplomatic avenues. Despite tireless efforts at all aforementioned fronts, Hemakavin's pursuit of justice remains elusive. SUARAM urges the Prime Minister, YAB Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim, to review Hemakavin a/l Karthigesu's case and to take steps to ensuring that Hemakavin is brought home. One such step that we hope to see the Prime Minister implement is to raise this issue with the Cambodian government and to discuss possible solutions with them during his official visit to Cambodia at the end of March 2023. On behalf of Hemakavin a/l Karthigesu’s family, SUARAM demands that the Malaysian government to employ all bilateral diplomatic avenues available to bring about justice for Hemakavin, specifically in two ways: i. Appeal for Royal Pardon for Hemakavin that will either reduce his prison sentence or secure his full release; ii. Reach an agreement with the Cambodian Government to bring Hemakavin home via an International Prisoner Transfer Programme. This year marks Hemakavin's seventh year of imprisonment for a crime he did not commit. Justice delayed is justice denied. Hemakavin was unfairly tried and convicted with falsified evidence. We believe it is time for the new government to take notice of this case. Justice must be served for Hemakavin and for all those who have fallen victim to drug trafficking. Save Hemakavin. Bring Hemakavin back to Malaysia! Sign the petition here: https://chng.it/qVXCPKw8X2

Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) applauds the swift responsibility taken by the Home Minister on the unfortunate March 5 incident involving the wrongful communication of the supposed death of the detainee to his family. The initiative to personally reimburse the funeral expenses borne by the family within 48 hours is a gesture of concern that must be recognised. The Minister’s acknowledgement that there were elements of negligence involved and notification that a committee will be set up to investigate further also demonstrate the Home Ministry’s commitment towards accountable governance. To ensure that this commitment comes full circle, it is crucial that the Home Ministry provides regular and transparent updates on the committee’s investigation findings, specifically any gaps found in the prison’s identification process and its implementation, as well as corresponding recommendations. Any recommendations by the committee should be swiftly followed by responsive action by the relevant stakeholders (e.g., Home Ministry, Prisons Department) to ensure that such an egregious oversight does not happen again. SUARAM also calls on the Attorney-General’s Chambers to direct the magistrate/coroner to hold an inquiry or inquest into the cause of death of the detainee as mandated in sections 334 and 339 of the Criminal Procedure Code without undue delay. The inquiry should be carried out transparently and impartially. The inquiry can insightfully inform not only the government’s understanding of underlying factors that perpetuate deaths in custody, but also the policies and interventions that should be developed or improved on. It can also build public trust and confidence in the criminal justice system, as the inquiry sends a message that the government is committed to protecting the rights and ensuring justice for all, including the most marginalised groups such as victims of deaths in custody. SUARAM will continue to closely monitor developments of this case, and we stand ready to provide our full and unequivocal support to the families of both detainees whenever needed. Image Credits: Bernama

Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) is deeply concerned with the increasing number of custodial deaths in Malaysia. According to the parliamentary reply from Ministry of Home Affairs to Member of Parliament Raub - Chow Yu Hui, the number of cases in 2022 consisted of a staggering 170, which was 3.5 times higher than those in 2021 (i.e. 48). It is deeply disturbing to hear those seven out of the 170 cases involved children. In other words, one person dies in custody every two days. One of the most critical steps that the government can take is to increase transparency in revealing information related to custodial deaths. Currently, the sole mechanism through which the public can obtain such information is through the government’s responses to corresponding questions by members of Parliament (MP) in the house. While we acknowledge and appreciate MP Raub for raising this important issue at Dewan Rakyat, however this method entails limitations in obtaining comprehensive information, due to factors such as the interest of the MP concerned in the issue, the 40-word count to parliamentary questions that limit or hamper requests for data on more specific parameters etc. This lack of transparency perpetuates a culture of secrecy, and it hinders the public's ability to hold the authorities accountable for their actions. Thus, SUARAM calls on the government to make all relevant data and information readily available and accessible to the public. Aside from demographic characteristics such as gender and age, other important parameters should include the cause of death (including whether it is due to negligence by authorities, health reasons or others), as well as the status of investigations and inquest proceedings. Multiple causes underlie custodial death cases, with most cases arising from health-related or medical reasons. Statistics by the Royal Malaysian Police from years 2000 to 2014 showed that such cases constituted 85.1% of all cases. In 2021 alone, media monitoring efforts by SUARAM documented the proportion to be more than 50% of cases. Lock-up conditions in prisons and detention facilities are poor, and examples include overcrowding, poor ventilation systems, unhygienic toilets, and cell areas. This not only increases the vulnerability of all detainees and enforcement officers to the contraction and transmission of diseases especially those that are air-borne, but also exacerbates health conditions of detainees who are already in poor health (be it knowingly or unknowingly) upon entry to detention facilities. Therefore, SUARAM urges the government to increase the allocation in upcoming Budget 2023 to improve the lockup conditions and prevent future instances of custodial deaths. It is also essential that the authorities adhere to Rule 10 of the Lock-Up Rules 1953 and international standards such as the Nelson Mandela Rules to provide adequate medical care and attention all detainees. To strengthen compliance with the aforementioned legislation and international standards, the Prisons Department and Ministry of Home Affairs can work with the Ministry of Health in establishing and implementing procedures of routine medical care provision in prison and detention facilities to detainees who have medical conditions. In addition, the government should explore alternative approaches to reduce detention centres occupancy, such as improving the investigating capacities of police officers to reduce the likelihood of abusing detention without trial laws or chain remand, and working with government agencies such as the national anti-drugs agency to implement drug rehabilitation programs to reduce drug-related offenses. By taking these measures, we can work towards building a more just and humane criminal justice system that prioritizes the well-being of all individuals, regardless of their legal status. Quoting Nelson Mandela, no one truly knows a nation until one has been inside its jails, and that a nation should not be judged by how it treats its highest citizens but its lowest ones. To truly uphold the vision of Malaysia Madani, and specifically two of its core values of respect and compassion, Kerajaan Perpaduan has the obligation to take active measures to address the issues of poor lockup conditions and lack of medical attention in these facilities, while increase transparency in disclosing information related to custodial deaths to regain the public's trust in law enforcement agencies – that they will be fair and just, as well as respect the basic dignity and rights of all regardless of background and circumstance.